Dubya dances with torture and rendition.
Again, a heads up from Holden at First Draft.
I wrote about this elsewhere a long time ago. This “torture” thing is not going away.
March 16, 2005
President’s Press Conference
10:15 A.M. EST
THE PRESIDENT: The post-9/11 world, the United States must make sure we protect our people and our friends from attack. That was the charge we have been given. And one way to do so is to arrest people and send them back to their country of origin with the promise that they won’t be tortured. That’s the promise we receive. This country does not believe in torture. We do believe in protecting ourselves. We don’t believe in torture. And —
THE PRESIDENT: Sorry, what — make Roberts feel terrible.
Q That’s all right.
THE PRESIDENT: No, no, you shouldn’t make –
Q It doesn’t bother me at all. (Laughter.)
THE PRESIDENT: Elisabeth.
Q As Commander-in-Chief, what is it that Uzbekistan can do in interrogating an individual that the United States can’t?
THE PRESIDENT: We seek assurances that nobody will be tortured when we render a person back to their home country….
CIA’s Assurances On Transferred Suspects Doubted
Rule of Law: An Absolute Prohibition of Torture
E. Thomas McClanahan’s June 22, 2004 editorial “White House should clarify torture policy” (Kansas City Star, B7) appears to recycle the administration’s self-serving talking points that there is some ambiguity in the laws, treaties and customs of civilized behavior prohibiting torture. Moral, ethical, and practical arguments aside, that claim could not be further from the reality. Torture is unacceptable in any circumstances under the law of the United States, international treaties, and the norms of international law. Kansas City Star (link expired)
McClanahan is flip in his descriptions of the norms of civilized behavior, especially within the Geneva Conventions:
Now, where have we heard that talking point before?
The sequence in following the law is direct and easy to follow as George W. Bush tried to explain on June 10, 2004 “Look, I’m going to say it one more time. If I — maybe — maybe I can be more clear. The instructions went out to our people to adhere to law. That ought to comfort you. We’re a nation of law. We adhere to laws. We have laws on the books. You might look at those laws, and that might provide comfort for you. And those were the instructions out of — from me to the government….”
http://www.whitehouse.gov/news/releases/2004/06/20040610-36.html
Examining the applicable Federal code prohibiting torture is helpful to the discussion:
http://www4.law.cornell.edu/uscode/18/2340.html
Any president, since they do take an oath to uphold the Constitution, and, of course, our nation, is bound by Article VI: “…and all Treaties made, or which shall be made, under the Authority of the United States, shall be the supreme Law of the Land….” This clause is a practical one – if no nation gave treaties the force of law, then treaties would not be enforceable and no nation would bother participating in them.
The United States is a signatory to and duly ratified the Convention Against Torture and Other Cruel, Inhuman or Degrading Treatment or Punishment (Convention Against Torture), a treaty. In addition to prohibiting torture this treaty states:
Article 4. 1. Each State Party shall ensure that all acts of torture are offences under its criminal law. The same shall apply to an attempt to commit torture and to an act by any person which constitutes complicity or participation in torture. 2. Each State Party shall make these offences punishable by appropriate penalties which take into account their grave nature.
Article 16. 1. Each State Party shall undertake to prevent in any territory under its jurisdiction other acts of cruel, inhuman or degrading treatment or punishment which do not amount to torture as defined in article I, when such acts are committed by or at the instigation of or with the consent or acquiescence of a public official or other person acting in an official capacity. In particular, the obligations contained in articles 10, 11, 12 and 13 shall apply with the substitution for references to torture of references to other forms of cruel, inhuman or degrading treatment or punishment.
2. The provisions of this Convention are without prejudice to the provisions of any other international instrument or national law which prohibits cruel, inhuman or degrading treatment or punishment or which relates to extradition or expulsion.
Treaties in Force. November 20, 1994. http://www.state.gov/www/global/legal_affairs/tifindex.html
http://www.unhchr.ch/html/menu3/b/h_cat39.htm
It’s not enough to say “we asked them and they said they wouldn’t”. Under Article 3 of the Convention Against Torture the United States cannot turn an individual over to another state which employs torture. Under Article 4 the United States is required to have laws against torture. Under Article 16 the United States is responsible for preventing acts of torture by its officials in any territory under its control.
The United States is a signatory to and duly ratified the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (ICCPR), a treaty. In regard to torture this treaty states:
Article 7. No one shall be subjected to torture or to cruel, inhuman or degrading treatment or punishment. In particular, no one shall be subjected without his free consent to medical or scientific experimentation.
Treaties in Force. September 8, 1992. http://www.state.gov/www/global/legal_affairs/tif_01d.pdf
http://www.unhchr.ch/html/menu3/b/a_ccpr.htm
The ICCPR allows derogation under certain circumstances, but explicitly forbids derogation of the prohibition of torture under any circumstances. Under the norms of international law freedom from torture is one of four non-derogable human rights and meets the legal definition under international law of jus cogens, that is, these rights, cannot be removed by law or treaty.
These rights are: The right to live (freedom from extra-judicial process), freedom from slavery, freedom from torture, and freedom from retroactive prosecution. Hansje Plagman, “The Status of the Right to Life and the Prohibition of Torture Under International Law: Its Implications for the United States”, Journal of the Institute of Justice and International Studies: Papers from the March 2003 Counter Terrorism and Civil Liberties Conference, 3, Central Missouri State University, 2003, pp. 172-193 [as printed]. http://www.cmsu.edu/cjinst/issue3.pdf
The United States is a signatory to, but has not yet ratified the American Convention on Human Rights (ACHR). In regard to torture this treaty states:
June 1, 1977. http://www.oas.org/juridico/english/Sigs/b-32.html
http://www.oas.org/juridico/english/Treaties/b-32.htm
The doctrine of non-derogation and supremacy of non-derogable human rights has been set forth under international treaties and laws. As a peremptory norm (jus cogens) of international law no treaty nor law can supersede these non-derogable rights. While the United States has not signed nor ratified the Vienna Convention on the Law of Treaties (supposedly because its provisions were “already” accepted international law), the treaty entered into force internationally on January 27, 1980. The treaty addresses non-derogation and jus cogens:
http://www.un.org/law/ilc/texts/treaties.htm
Under the Constitution, the laws of the land, international treaty obligations, and those peremptory norms of international law the United States is expressly prohibited from subjecting anyone to torture. Period.
As a member and a leader of the international community the United States is obligated to follow its laws, its international treaties, and the peremptory norms of international law. It is ludicrous to suggest, as McClanahan does, that there is a “vacuum in law…” There certainly is a vacuum in White House policy, but the law could not be more clear.
As for citing the 1999 Israeli Supreme Court ruling as a precedent or guideline for our own national behavior, McClanahan would first have to accept the peremptory norms of international law in order to make the leap of faith in accepting for the United States the effect of a supreme court ruling in another single sovereign state. Under our own obligations and international law, that is not a possibility without serious consequences.
The Israeli Supreme Court ruled:
Judgement on the Interrogation Methods applied by the GSS. The Supreme Court of Israel, sitting as the High Court of Justice. http://www.derechos.org/human-rights/mena/doc/torture.html
Billmon’s commentary on the Israeli court ruling finds where the administration and McClanahan miss the mark:
It’s the difference between a legal system that has been trapped in a moral cesspool for almost 60 years, and desperately wants to get out, and a small clique of legal extremists who are determined to throw themselves, and their country, into the same stinking mire, regardless of the risks.”
“Stare Decisis”. June 15, 2004. http://billmon.org/archives/001537.html
Ethical, moral, and practical arguments have been made on the many facets of this issue. There is no legal ambiguity in the absolute prohibition of torture for the United States and indeed, the rest of civilization. It is a disservice to the law and our nation’s ideals to claim otherwise.
The current administration’s gyrations, parsing, and memos on the subject of torture have serious legal consequences for them and all of us. No matter how much the protest their innocence otherwise.
Wow, that’s for compiling all the info. I know I’ve been harping on Bush’s “Moral Values” smokescreen since 2000. Hopefully we can wake up the rest of the people who insist on defending his incompetence.
Recommended!
Well, well. Does the incompetent White House press contingent of dubya enablers show some signs of life? I’m not holding my breath.
March 17, 2005
Press Briefing by Scott McClellan
1:22 P.M. EST
MR. McCLELLAN: Absolutely, in response to your question.
Q So those people are lying?
MR. McCLELLAN: The President has made it very clear that we do not condone torture. He’s made it very clear to the government that we do not torture. And the President does not believe we should export torture. We remain a nation at war, in the aftermath of the September 11th attacks, and we do have an obligation to gather information from known terrorists that can help us to prevent and disrupt attacks, as well as to capture other terrorists. This war is an ongoing effort, but as we carry out those obligations to protect the American people, we must do so in a way that adheres to our laws and our values. And the President has made that very clear, repeatedly.
Q Is the President aware of some of this testimonial evidence of individuals who were apprehended, who told their stories publicly, about the sort of treatment they have received overseas?
MR. McCLELLAN: Yes — you’ve seen the news coverage, I’ve seen the news coverage, as well —
Q Right. I mean, to sit around and say, well, yes, we don’t export torture, I mean, you just close your eyes and there’s nothing happening?
MR. McCLELLAN: No, David, never when it comes to torture.
Q Are these reports wrong, or does he not believe that there’s torture going on in these countries where these prisoners are being rendered back to?
MR. McCLELLAN: When people are rendered to another country, we seek assurances that they won’t be tortured. When we return known terrorists to their countries of origin, or we render people to countries, we want to have assurances that they’re not going to be tortured, because that’s a value that we hold very dearly. And let’s understand, though, that we are talking about — I mean, Terry brought up earlier today, Khalid Shaykh Mohammad. Khalid Shaykh Mohammad is a known terrorist who is responsible for overseeing the attacks of September 11th that led to the killing of 3,000 innocent civilians in America. But I make very clear, again, what our view is.
Q I know. I know what the view is. I know what Khalid Shaykh Mohammad evidently did. That still doesn’t answer the question. Does the President believe that there is no torture going on in any of these countries that are receiving prisoners that are part of this rendition program? Is he sure of that?
MR. McCLELLAN: David, we comply with our treaties and with our — with our —
Q That’s a non-answer, and you know it.
MR. McCLELLAN: David, will you let me finish my response?
Q Yes. When you get your assurances, does that mean he believes it’s not happening?
MR. McCLELLAN: We believe in adhering to our laws and our treaty obligations. That’s the way the President has always acted. And he’s made it clear to everybody throughout government that we do not torture. And that applies across the board. And as we carry out the war on terrorism, and seek to prevent attacks from happening, we must adhere to those laws, and we must adhere to those treaty obligations and we must adhere to — we must adhere to our values.
Now, these are — some of these issues you bring up are matters involving national intelligence or matters involving classified information that is related to the ongoing war on terrorism. And it’s relating to known terrorists. And, obviously, I’m not going to get into discussing specific cases, for that reason. But we do take very seriously what our obligations are, and we have an obligation not to render people to countries if we believe they’re going to be tortured.
Q One on this, one on another subject. Would you acknowledge then, as David just pointed out, there are people who have been in U.S. custody, who were transferred to other countries, who have now come out and said, I was tortured. Did that happen?
MR. McCLELLAN: Director Goss was testifying earlier today; he addressed some of these issues. The Attorney General, Judge Gonzales, has addressed some of these issues. I would leave it exactly where they left it, Terry.
Q But does the White House admit or deny the allegations of these people who were in U.S. custody —
MR. McCLELLAN: Again, Terry, that matter — those questions have been directed to Director Goss, they’ve been directed to Attorney General Gonzales during his testimony, and they’ve responded to it, and they’ve addressed it. And I will leave it where they left it….
….Q Scott, on renditions, has the United States ever rendered prisoners to countries other than their country of origin?
MR. McCLELLAN: Ken, I’m not going to get into talking about any specific matters, and that would be getting into talking about specific matters. But I think I addressed that question earlier when I said that we have an obligation not to render people to countries if we believe they’re going to be tortured. All countries that are committed to winning the global war on terrorism have an obligation to work together to defeat the terrorists and to prevent attacks from happening. But Chairman — I mean, Director Goss was testifying earlier today; you might want to look at some of the comments he made. And I’m just not going to get into specific intelligence matters.
Q The President said yesterday, specifically, when we returned prisoners to their country of origin, we do so with assurances they won’t be tortured. Does that mean there’s another category, when we send them to countries other than the country of origin, or that they only go to their countries of origin?
MR. McCLELLAN: I would just repeat what I said. We have an obligation, and we make sure that we get assurances that when people are rendered to other countries that they won’t be tortured.
Q Whatever country, whether it’s their country of origin or not.
MR. McCLELLAN: Ken, you might want to direct further questions to the intelligence community. Again, these are — this is involving national intelligence, and this is involving matters related to the war on terrorism. And this involves classified information that I’m just not going to get into.
Go ahead, I’m sorry….
Ah, the classic “non-denial denial”.
Why is Bush trying to push the idea that we’re sending them back to their home countries? It’s my understanding that we’re sending them to other countries that are not their home countries. Am I incorrect?
One of the most outrageous cases was that of Maher Arar, a Canadian citizen.
In September 2002, Arar was in Tunisia, vacationing with his wife Monia Mazigh and their two small children. On Sept. 26 while in transit in New York’s JFK airport, he was detained by US officials and interrogated about alleged links to al-Qaeda. Twelve days later, he was chained, shackled and flown to Jordan aboard a private plane and from there transferred to a Syrian prison.
In Syria, he was held in a tiny “grave-like” cell for ten months and ten days before he was moved to a better cell in a different prison. He was beaten, tortured and forced to make a false confession.
During his imprisonment, Monia campaigned relentlessly on his behalf. After many representations from Canadian Human Rights organizations and a growing number of citizens, the Government of Canada, on Jan. 28, 2004, announced a Commission of Inquiry into the Actions of Canadian Officials in Relation to Maher Arar….
http://www.maherarar.ca/
By treaty citizens of one nation who are “in transit” cannot be diverted to a third country in this fashion. By all rights, if the United States Government had credible evidence against him he should have been turned over to Canadian authorities.
Catnip did a great diary on Arar. So has Soj, i think. It’s tragic. He deserves compensation and an official apology from the president.