Be warned. I’m not sure that I’d call this an optimistic diary. `Somewhat bleak’ might be a better weather forecast.
When I was in high school, a good friend introduced me to Crisis. It was the first comic I ever read. I used to wait for him to get his copy every month so that I could shamelessly borrow it before he’d even finished reading. Before I found Crisis, I had no idea that comics could be something other than super-trashy stories about super-macho heroes and super-scantily-clad screaming (though never ever shrill) women. Shows what little I knew – those were the glorious years of the Hernandez Brothers Love and Rockets series, and Neil Gaiman’s Sandman, not to mention his ethereal and utterly remarkable Black Orchid .
I first encountered Pastor Niemoller’s famous words on the back of one of those Crisis issues. You all know the ones:
First they came for the Jews
and I did not speak out
because I was not a Jew.
Then they came for the Communists
and I did not speak out
because I was not a Communist.
Then they came for the trade unionists
and I did not speak out
because I was not a trade unionist.
Then they came for me
and there was no one left
to speak out for me.
For a long time I found those words very powerful. If you had asked me why I thought politics mattered, I might well have paraphrased Niemoller. If you asked me what I thought solidarity was, the odds are pretty damn good that I would have pointed you to the back of that comic. “Hang together,” I would have said, “Or you will hang separately.”
But then I found that all too often, you will hang separately anyway.
I still greatly admire Niemoller. But I’ve come to harbour some serious doubts about these famous words as a prescription for solidarity. Not recently – my doubts been stewing away quite merrily for some years now. But it would be fair to say that lately they’ve come bubbling up to the surface again.
At their crudest, Niemoller’s words invoke a kind of self-interest. “Defend others,” they proclaim, “if you want to be defended in your turn.” I am not suggesting that such self-interest is malicious: it’s a rare motive that is not mixed. But I think this crude paraphrase offers some clues about why we end up hanging separately.
In our barbed wire world, equality is the rarest of commodities. All of our relations are power relations, predicated on inequality and our efforts to bolster or undermine it. And let me add some bluntness to my earlier crudeness. Those with power often perceive that they can afford to betray those without power, because they don’t believe that they’ll ever actually be so vulnerable as to require the defence of the powerless. The citizen does not in her heart of hearts believe that she will ever need to hide in the basement of an illegal immigrant. The captain of industry does not imagine that a pauper shall keep him from starvation. In the U.S. and the U.K., the Christian woman does not envision a time when a Muslim woman will shield her from religious persecution. The imperialist does not dream that he shall be saved from subjugation by a colonial subject. And frankly, those perceptions is usually accurate. After all, the ability to betray with personal impunity is an integral part of what having power and privilege is all about.
Interpreted as a prescription for solidarity based on enlightened self-interest, I think Niemoller’s words assume an equality that is seldom present. Read more literally, they explain why we too often hang separately.
But I’m not done with Niemoller’s words just yet. =/
I was at a union stewards’ meeting soon after the U.S. attacked Iraq. By that time, stewards’ meetings had become something I forced myself to attend. Climbing up those stairs to the office/meeting room, I’d feel my mask fall into place. You know the one? The mask you put on because you’re going to a place where you know that you are despised because of who you are and what you believe, and you don’t want to give the bastards the pleasure of your pain. After four years of sitting in that room of mostly white, mostly U.S. faces, I had learned to keep my mask very firmly in place.
One of the items at the meeting involved a resolution condemning the U.S. invasion. Nothing that would make much practical difference, but a kind of belated `going on record’ to express support for anti-war groups in the area. There was a round robin `discussion.’ “Unions are not political organisations,” one person said. “we should not be endorsing or opposing this sort of thing.” Another volunteered that “This won’t make any practical difference, so we shouldn’t bother talking about it.” But the argument that received the most attention went something like “We shouldn’t condemn the U.S. invasion of Iraq, because that would show a lack of solidarity with union members who support the invasion.”
So where does solidarity end and complicity begin?
And if self-interest, enlightened or not, will not serve as a basis for solidarity, then what can replace it?
My first hunch is to say `shared political commitments,’ but I fear that that may just displace the problem, without solving it.
And of course asking questions that make one think.
I too have always loved the Niemoller poem, but when looking at it with a different eye (and even more so, after reading this, which has opened up new areas of looking) it reminds me of people who say “I do this or that because I want to go to heaven (or don’t want to burn in hell)”.
Not trying to bring religion into it or say anything about anyone’s religion but what they both lack is “I’m doing this because it is the right thing to do”.
Which, to me, should be the final measure.
It’s certainly not that the poem’s not powerful. It is — there’s a reason it gets quoted all over the place and reworked for different situations. But I’m no longer sure how to read it.
A friend of mine argues that what is needed is a concept of ‘principled solidarity’ which I take as akin to my ‘shared political commitments’ and your ‘I’m doing this because it is the right thing to do.’
principled solidarity works, as does shared political commitments.
Someone said something in a diary recently about the need of all of us to commit to each other. I think one can have both the commitment because of shared goals and the commitment because of basic beliefs that it’s the right thing to do.
I think most of the ‘hang separately’ thing comes from that lack of commitment. The conscious decision to not stand for one group/thing/person or another because of a perceived benefit, short term or otherwise, if they don’t. Sort of an “I’m reaching for that top rung, and I can get there much easier if I just drop some of this stuff I’m carrying”.
Yeah.
I think the tyranny of the majority often rears its ugly head as well.
I’m going to demonstrate my New Lefty techno-hippie roots here. This song has always come to mind when having this discussion.
“A Small Circle of Friends”
(Phil Ochs, 1968)
Oh look outside the window, there’s a woman being grabbed
They drag her to the bushes and now she’s being stabbed
Maybe we should call the cops and try to stop the pain
But Monopoly is so much fun, I’d hate to blow the game
And I’m sure it wouldn’t interest anybody
Outside of a small circle of friends
Riding down the highway, yes, my back is getting stiff
Thirteen cars are piled up, they’re hanging on a cliff
Maybe we should pull them back with our towing chain
But we gotta move and we might get sued and it looks like it’s gonna rain
And I’m sure it wouldn’t interest anybody
Outside of a small circle of friends
Sweating in the ghetto with the colored and the poor
The rats did join the babies who are sleeping on the floor
Now wouldn’t it be a riot if they really blew their tops
But they got too much already and besides we’ve got the cops
And I’m sure it wouldn’t interest anybody
Outside of a small circle of friends
Oh there’s a dirty paper using sex to make her sales
The Supreme Court was so upset, they sent him off to jail
Maybe we should help the fiend and and take away his fine
But we’re busy reading Playboy and the Sunday New York Times
And I’m sure it wouldn’t interest anybody
Outside of a small circle of friends
Smoking Marihuana is more fun than drinking beer
But a friend of ours was captured and they gave him thirty years
Maybe we should raise our voices, ask somebody why
But demonstrations are a drag, besides we’re much too high
And I’m sure it wouldn’t interest anybody
Outside of a small circle of friends
Oh look outside the window, there’s a woman being grabbed
They drag her to the bushes and now she’s being stabbed
Maybe we should call the cops and try to stop the pain
But Monopoly is so much fun, I’d hate to blow the game
And I’m sure it wouldn’t interest anybody
Outside of a small circle of friends
Phil Ochs was pretty excellent. These days, I think we could do with a rousing chorus of ‘I ain’t marching any more.’
Roughly where you compromise your own principles to support ones you don’t agree with, because you see a benefit to yourself.
Shorter version: When you sell out.
Now, in truth, we’re asked to sell out all the time. Its a matter of degrees.
We sold out big-time on Iraq, as a party. Many were opposed to the war, but to maintain their power (on our behalf, of course), they voted against their conscience.
Niemoller’s words can still hold true, if the “don’t sell out” principle is applied.
I don’t have to identify with a group to speak out for them, to show solidarity to them.
I can support a group I have disagreements with, if we stick to the things we share in common, or the areas of concern to them that don’t conflict with my principles.
But if a group asks that I compromise my principles to stand with them. I can’t.
They are asking me to betray myself. There is very little they can offer me that is worth that price.
A very timely diary, and I’ve been living under my “don’t sell out” version of Niemoller’s words a lot recently.
I’m trying to resist the urge to play devil’s advocate, because I think we do mostly agree. If you don’t stand for something, you’ll end up standing for anything.
But I think coalition building gets complicated fast (which does not, of course, detract at all from the necessity of building coalitions).
For example: “I can support a group I have disagreements with, if we stick to the things we share in common, or the areas of concern to them that don’t conflict with my principles.”
Within the union I was part of, the ‘things in common’ were wages and health benefits. But the things I really cared about in terms of employment contracts were ending racist and xenophobic training practices, and getting a better deal for part-time workers. And most people in the union were indifferent to the latter, and worse than indifferent to the former. The union would have been perfectly happy to stick to the ‘things we had in common’ — which just happened to be the highest priorities of their mostly white, mostly U.S. membership, but they weren’t too keen on any reciprocity. With apologies to Audre Lorde, it’s sometimes pretty hard to distinguish
“who are our allies with whom we have grave differences, and who are our genuine enemies.”
Hope this makes some sense.
It makes perfect sense to me.
I think the key is the difference is this part of what I said:
“areas of concern to them that don’t conflict with my principles”
Its not just about common shared interests.
Extrapolating (apologies if I guess wrong) on your example:
Now, neither of those seemed to be a shared goal of your union with the other party (just you? Or other involved people?).
But were either of those against the union’s principles?
They may very well have been. I don’t know.
If the union stuck only to the things it had in common, it would have to face up to the fact it would gain little support for the things it cared about that the other party did. That backscratching thing goes a long way in life.
If they didn’t care about the training, but didn’t feel it violated their principles (directly or indirectly harmed union members as a whole), even if there was no benefit to them, they should have supported by the ‘no-sellout’ version, right?
But if getting a better deal for the part-time workers endangered union jobs or hours, well, their first principle should logically be “protect the members of the union”. So perhaps that would be a violation of their principles.
And, ugly as the result may be, if they supported a better deal for the part-time workers and hurt the union members in the process, that’d be a definition of selling out. No matter what the benefit of the alliance was, that was a raw deal for their own.
Now, that doesn’t mean they could never support a better deal for the part-timers. If they could do so in a way that protected the union members hours or jobs, then there is no conflicting principle.
It gets a bit mushy if it requires them to take a short-term loss for a longer term gain.
After all, nothing is black and white. The devil is in the interpretation.
The thing is, the part-timers were union members.
And the employees being made to undergo the training were also union members. The issue concerned which union members the (majority white U.S.) union cared about — which injuries were actually perceived as an injury to all.
In other words, the attempt at coalition building was taking place within the union, not outside it. Which was probably unclear from my earlier post, but which is the case with quite a lot of coalitions, I think, especially where there is no good outside option. And there were a few of us tilting at windmills — and thanks to our callous heartless exteriors, we even managed in toppling some of them. But in terms of intangibles, like being able to trust the people that you’re working with, and being able to trust your judgement about people, the cost, personal and political, was pretty high. (Which sounds whiny, I know, but is part of why I think this gets complicated fast)
or respectfully agreeing to disagree?
Seems to me Dems need to work together most of the time, but with other (single-issue?) groups part of the time.
“Both / and” rather than “either / or”?
For me the poem addresses the approach of an aggressor. In the case of Iraq the US (we) clearly were the aggressor.
Solidarity doesn’t just happen, it must be built. Our received conception of the nature of solidarity is the result of a century of courage and struggle of long-forgotten socialists.
In America, we purged the socialists from our society’s institutions at least twice, once in the 1920s and more decisively in the 1950s. That political turn was taken at the time when American society became radically mobile, increasingly transient, as old patterns of life gave way before the superhighway, transcontinental flights, and the mobility of capital, more and more we have had to move around, failing to set roots, jobs and even careers themselves come and go in one’s life. The innate sense of community vanishing, so also went any sense of social solidarity by the late 70s.
But sifting through the rubble of the American labor movement, I find this little scrap, which I would hold up as a simple and straight forward expression of the principle of solidarity:
“An injury to one is an injury to all.”
“Solidarity doesn’t just happen, it must be built.” Absolutely!
One of the reasons I stood in awe of UE while I lived in the U.S. was because of their history of independence and their steadfast refusal to purge socialists and communists from their ranks. If my local had been affiliated with them, perhaps things might have been rather different.
I think ‘an injury to one is an injury to all’ certainly gets one further than Niemoller’s words. But who gets to decide what constitutes an injury?
I’m not trying to argue that solidarity is impossible — it’s something that I’ve experienced, so I know that it can be done and I also know that it can be enormously powerful. But the process of ‘how do you get there from here?’ is one that remains mysterious to me, even though I’ve occasionally been fortunate enough to end up ‘there.’
Solidarity for the sake of solidarity. Ugh. I’ve run up against this in my union as well. “We don’t want to condemn the war because some of us know people who are fighting in it.” Whaaaa???
We stand in solidarity with people, not with institutions.
Yeah. Not to be a Sith Lord or anything, but sometimes you do have to decide who you plan on being in solidarity with. DuctapeFatwa has written some compelling stuff on this, I think.
“We shouldn’t condemn the U.S. invasion of Iraq, because that would show a lack of solidarity with union members who support the invasion.”
Spoken by someone who, no doubt, condemned what Clinton did in Kosovo.
Well there were a few people saying words to that effect — and with one exception, they weren’t Republicans (if that’s what you’re suggesting).
Another thoughtful post by my favorite online bird. 🙂
If I may play devil’s advocate here: It occurs to me as the apparently retarded argument #3 might really function as a more compelling version of #1. The latter I would guess rang false to many unionists: Because labor unions traditionally are political organizations per excellence, the ‘neutrality’ frame didn’t cut it. However, undeniably the case could be made that unions are not about foreign policy issues and that it would thus be unfair to the minority of members supporting the war for the majority to pass a condemnation on behalf of them all. (Not that I agree, but the case can be made.) And this being a union, ‘solidarity’ is an effective frame for such a message. Indeed, solidarity is more heady stuff than neutrality in any case. But the underlying idea might perhaps be much the same.
Does that make any sense at all?
And another thoughtful response from my favourite online breeze. =)
The case can be made — but here’s why I think it falls short.
In my union, as in many others, the ‘parent’ union was colloquially known as the ‘international.’ Solidarity was imagined as something that transcended national borders. At least in theory, the union was imagined as a trans-national organisation — which does put questions of foreign policy on the table.
Part of me wants to argue too, that the union’s business is whatever the union members decide is its business. And if that includes foreign policy, then it includes foreign policy. Though it’s only part of me that wants to argue that — since I have limited faith in the wisdom of majorities.
At root, I think it’s a question of who you choose to be in solidarity with. I can see why the frame of solidarity was used, but for myself, I don’t believe it is possible to be in solidarity with those who wished to support this war — it was only possible to be complicit with them.
Hmm — so does my response make any sense?
Both in fact, and in Pastor Niemoller’s famous statement, they came for the Communists first.
Why does this matter? The short answer is historical accuracy, which in this case is rather difficult to pin down. There’s an excellent webpage maintained by historian Harold Marcuse which presents all the evidence about what Niemoller actually may have said. In fact, it’s not clear what Niemoller’s original statement was.
It does, however, seem to be clear that Communists were first (for the simple reason that they were, in fact, the first victims of the Nazi regime), and that they were knocked out of first place (and in some versions aren’t mentioned at all) for reasons of post-war politics.
Don’t quite know how this directly affects your argument, dove, but I figured it was worth pointing out.
You’re quite right. It’s well worth pointing out.
Many thanks!
and I did not speak out
or even bother mentioning it.
heart breaking comment.