One of the favorite mantras of the anti-immigrant right is that they have nothing against immigration when it’s done “the right way,” it’s only those who try to “cheat the system” and enter “illegally” that they oppose. Their whole philosophy is based on the premise that there is path for those who meet the criteria, a path that will allow them to escape poverty or oppression. Inherent in this philosophy is the belief that for the deserving, the system works. Without that belief, their rhetoric rings hollow.
Certainly no group embodies this ideal of “the deserving” more than those who seek asylum in the US. They come not for monetary gain, or to make a better life economically, they come not to send home remittances, or seek fortune; they come for one reason only – to survive. They come to escape genocide or war, natural disaster, famine or political oppression that leaves them no other choice. They come to save their lives. Yet a recently released study shows that it is not circumstance or merit that determines whether or not an asylum request is granted – it’s the luck of the draw – it comes down to which judge hears their case.
A report released by Transactional Records Clearinghouse, a research group associated with Syracuse University, looked at close to 300,000 requests for asylum in the United States over a ten year period, to see how they were handled.
Their analysis showed a shocking disparity in the rate at which individual immigration judges declined the applications. According to the data, those seeking asylum have better, or worse, chances depending on their geographic location.
One Judge in Miami had denied 96.7% of his 1,118 cases, while a Judge in New York had denied only 9.8% of her 1,638 asylum requests, raising serious questions about the quality of justice in US immigration courts.
The study also documented a disparity due to other factors as well. National origin played a role along with the asylum seekers ability to procure legal representation. While those with legal representation were denied asylum in 64% of the cases, those who did not have legal representation were denied in 93% of the cases.
Amongst those meeting the legal grounds to seek asylum, 80 percent of individuals from El Salvador, Mexico and Haiti, for example, had been denied asylum, while those from Afghanistan and Burma had a 70% success rate.
Above the main entrance to the Supreme Court are engraved the words, “Equal Justice Under the Law.” This phrase, an idealistic statement of one of the core values of the United States, has now been incorporated into the working philosophies and mission statements of many federal, state and local agencies. One such organization, for example, is the Executive Office for Immigration Review (EOIR), the administrative body within the Justice Department responsible for operating a system of courts that specialize in immigration matters.
In its annual report and on its web site, the EOIR states that it “is committed to providing fair, expeditious, and uniform application of the nation’s immigration laws in all cases.”
But lawyers who have practiced in this special court, federal appeals court judges, organizations representing those who have been subject to its judgments and others have for many years complained about numerous occasions when the court has in various ways failed to achieve these goals.
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Under the authority of long-standing UN conventions and an extensive body of United States law, tens of thousands of individuals each year seek asylum in the United States. Many of these requests are processed by the 200-plus special judges of the immigration court, a wing of the Justice Department with an annual budget of about $200 million. In the last decade, these judges have disposed of “on their merits” somewhere between 25,000 and 35,000 requests each year.
The immigration judges thus are critical decision makers in what is a complex mix of international treaties and U.S. law. In general, the key moment in each asylum hearing comes when the judge, after considering the evidence and listening to direct and cross examination, decides to (1) deny the asylum application (opening up the probability of deportation) or (2) grant it, on either an absolute or conditional basis.
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TRAC’s systematic examination of the nearly 300 thousand asylum decisions over more than a decade documents a significant judge-by-judge disparity in the proportion of asylum requests that are granted versus denied. These findings held even after restricting our comparisons to only those asylum seekers who were represented by an attorney, and only comparing judges who had made substantial numbers of decisions.
The extreme range in asylum denial rates among the 208 judges deciding 100 or more of these matters from FY 2000 through the first months of FY … shows there were eight judges who denied asylum to nine out of ten of their applicants and two who granted asylum to nine out of ten of theirs. Similar variability was found in the denial rate among the 193 judges who made 100 or more of these decisions in the FY 1994-1999 period.
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Given the broad constitutional hope that similarly situated individuals will be treated in similar ways and the EOIR’s stated goal of providing uniform application of the immigration laws, the disparities in this aspect of the court’s operations are surprising.
Obviously, the “right path” towards immigration heralded by the right and their media minions is not quite as straight and narrow as they’d like us to believe. The study found enough discrepancies and disparity in the asylum seeking process to cast serious doubts on the system as a whole. Few would disagree that at the least, asylum seekers deserve a fair and equitable hearing before an impartial justice system. To do otherwise, runs contrary to the very principles of equality under the law on which our nation was founded.
Hi Duke, interesting you would post this right after my Diva diary as I am thinking as a last resort for her rather than have to go back to Iraq would be requesting asylum in the US…do you know anything at all about Iraqi’s with regard to asylum especially for women without male relatives there. Or does anyone else know about this.
duke wanted me to replace his comment with this link:
http://tinyurl.com/o5opv
Thanks Booman
I don’t know much about the asylum process for Iraqis. From the DHS report for last year, Iraqi was in the top ten countries of origin for those granted asylum with about 1800 approvals granted. Your best bet would be talking to an immigration lawyer to see what the prospects are. I believe a few frequent here at the pond.
Some info on the subject from DHS above^
It makes me very sad for our country, and extremely angry toward some of our governmental “leaders”, that there is no Equal Justice Under Law for asylum seekers.
Why should there be? We have trouble with that ideal even for current citizens.
I’m not even remotely surprised that immigration judges would be so variable, and that positive decisions vary according to having representation or country of origin. I think you’d seen other variation depending on political background of judges, gender, and age of the asylum seekers, too.
We have a well-established history in our regular judicial system of differential sentencing in favor of wealthier vs. poorer, lighter skinned vs. darker skinned defendants. Asylum seekers should not be considered to be defendants, of course. However, I think the prevailing prejudices are all going to be present.
And the current political climate has its role in this too. Which boat people who land in Florida get to stay, vs. which ones get sent back to their country or origin? Which nations are seen has having “healthy democracies”, and which are not?
And if our country allowed asylum from Iraqi citizens, wouldn’t that be admitting that our “success” in that country was less than what our leaders say it is?
Duke, it is indeed shocking that there is such a disparity between asylum approval rates for individual immigration judges (IJs).
It is NOT shocking that there is a disparity between asylum approval rates for different countries, because country conditions vary and are a major component of most asylum claims. A just system SHOULD have a big disparity of results for different countries.
What is even MORE shocking is the almost complete absence of any meaningful administrative review of the IJs. Under Ashcroft, the Board of Immigration Appeals (BIA) was downsized and streamlined and it started issuing the vast majority of its decisions in removal (deportation) matters as AWOs (affirmed without opinion). In other words, they are now brazenly rubberstamping over 90 percent of the administrative appeals without any review at ALL.
This has led to an incredible rise in the number of federal court appeals, and much scorn from the judges (such as Judge Richard Posner of the U.S. Court of Appeals for the Seventh Circuit). Most people can’t afford a federal appeal, so most asylum applicants in removal proceedings are simply getting railroaded these days.
For what it’s worth, I’ve never been a fan of the U.S. and international asylum system. It doesn’t really protect human beings. It protects an abstract ideal of political freedom. To be successful, one has to satisfy the government that one faces a well-founded fear of persecution ON ACCOUNT OF political opinion, race, religion, etc. Thus, a person in danger due to political opinion has a chance of rescue, but a person in danger due a volcano has no such chance. I think that’s fundamentally wrong. I think the law should protect all persons equally who are in desparate straits. But that’s a topic for another day.
BTW
maybe you could help diane101 with ther question about asylum prospects for her Iraqi friend Diva. The stories up above on the rec list. I’m sure you know much more on the topic than I do.
I have seen the Diva diaries. Perhaps I missed it, but I didn’t see details of what her asylum claim might be, what social group she is a part of, etc.
Whether Shia, Sunni, Kurd, or other ethnicity, I think it’s objectively true that she would face a risk of persecution from groups the government of Iraq is unable or unwilling to control. Thus, I personally think she is eligible for asylum. However, if she is eligible for asylum, then the entire population of most of the Middle East is also eligible for asylum, and the U.S. government will not stand for that. In short, since she fears for her life, it can’t hurt her to try to get asylum. I think her chances are low, but she might get lucky.
I don’t handle asylum cases these days (haven’t done one since 1995, and the law has changed in the meantime). I’d recommend that she go to ILW.COM (Immigration Lawyers on the Web) and use the Find A Lawyer feature to identify lawyers who handle asylum cases.
Incidentally, she has another serious legal problem that people have not mentioned. She has come as a Fulbright scholar. That means she is on a J-1 visa subject to a two-year foreign residence requirement, meaning that at the end of her studies in J-1 status she MUST return to Iraq for two years. There are some ways to get a waiver of that requirement, but it is VERY VERY VERY difficult if one has U.S. government funding such as Fulbright. Asylum is just about the only form of immigration relief that trumps the J-1 foreign residence requirement–which is another good reason to try it.
Let me give a concrete example. Even if she fell in love and married a native born U.S. citizen, she could NOT get a green card and stay in the U.S. until she first went back to IRAQ for two years–unless she could get a special waiver, which is very expensive, very time-consuming, and almost ALWAYS turned down if there is Fulbright funding. Thus, the Fulbright scholarship that seems such a blessing now may end up feeling like a big curse.
I’ll post this on the latest Diva diary.
you’re right about country of origin making a difference … but it did strike me as odd that Haiti had an 80% rate of rejection. This study was over a ten year period… one would think that given the political conditions in that country over that period that more applicants would have qualified.
You have a point on that particular example. You see, the Haitians have a big problem: they’re black. The disparity in treatment between refugees from Cuba and from Haiti is one of the screeching injustices of our day, among many. And I don’t think the disparity is explained simply by the fact that in favorable treatment for Cubans (compared to Haitians at least) the U.S. is poking Castro in the eye. No, if the Cubans were all black and the Haitians were all white, it would be different. That’s my opinion after 20 years of immigration law practice.
The Cuban situation is quite unique and in my opinion is one of the best demonstrations of the inequities and injustices in the whole immigration system.
I lived in S. Fla. for a while and became quite familar with the situation.
when you say:
And I don’t think the disparity is explained simply by the fact that in favorable treatment for Cubans (compared to Haitians at least) the U.S. is poking Castro in the eye
you couldn’t bee more right.
I happened to be living in Key West when the Marielitos arrived … if anyone was poking someone in the eye in that case… it was Fidel poking the US.
The Cuban situation is based on money and politcal influence unheard of in any other immigrant community. They have wisely on their part, managed to position themselves to be THE most important voting block in a very important swing state. It goes far beyond an isssue of blck and white… in many ways it’s an issue of green.
I understand why you’re saying this, but doesn’t it downplay the political aspect? Isn’t any Cuban (incl. blacks) who reaches US’ shores allowed to stay? And weren’t there more asylum grants given to Haitians when Aristide was president?
That said, pictures of Haitians in the Clinton 90’s, detained at Guantanomo, and Georgia (?), Arkansas (?), in orange jumpsuits behind barbed wire eerily preview Gitmo’s muslim captives.