Dennis Kucinich: NYE Party…Watch Online!

Live from the studios of MCAM, Ch 23 in Manchester NH, you’re invited to bring in the New Year with Dennis and Elizabeth Kucinich at the Resolution for Peace!
This is the invite from MCAM’s home page:

http://i274.photobucket.com/albums/jj259/rjones2818/NYEevent.gif

For those of us who don’t go out on New Year’s Eve (I stopped when I realized I was going, having one champagne, saying happy New Year and leaving), it’s a great way to get into the spirit of the evening while helping the Kucinich campaign!

Not only will Dennis be speaking, but several of the Northeast’s more popular bands will be performing during the event.  Performances will be by:

Hamell on Trial
Todd Sickafoose
Jenny Scheinman
Ben Perowsky and
Chris Brown.

If you are in the Manchester area, why don’t you check and see if there’s still room for you to attend.  If not, like me, you can attend by viewing at KucinichTV.

The event starts at 9 PM Eastern (less than an hour from now) and runs until 12:30 AM.  Who knows, maybe someone will want to liveblog the event!

Happy New Year, and as always, now more than ever,

Go Dennis!
http://dennis4president.com
Vote your conscience, choose peace!

Happy New Year!!

2007 wasn’t so bad, but at least in 2008 we can finally begin to debate a post-Bush era. Have a good evening and let us know what’s going on in your neck of the woods. (I feel badly for Man Eegee. He’s in Times Square doing his imitation of a sardine stewing in alcohol). And remember kids…no vandalism.

How Barack Obama learned to love Israel

Photobucket
(Reprinted with CNI permission. In order, we have Obama, Hillary, McCain, Guliani, Richardson, Romney, with Edwards cutting on the stage, and an elfin figure claiming, “They’re competing for Presidenbt of which country?)
A few days ago, I posted a diary called “Hillary’s Middle East problem.” Criticism immediately surfaced as to why just Hillary? Those critics were correct. As shown by the CNI cartoon above, candidates in the Democratic as well as the Republican party are pandering to the Israel Lobby.

Why just Hillary? Because Hillary is so extreme in her advocacy of right wing Zionism, the only one among the Democratic candidates regarding the Israeli-Palestinian conflict who was distinctly anti-Palestinian, and who repeated Israel propaganda in degree to ask whether she is running for Prime Minister of Israel instead of the US presidency. Hillary’s advocacy of right wing Zionism guarantees that as president she will continue, not only with the Bush wagging tail, but support of Israel’s colonialism of the entire West Bank, thus ruling out any possibility for a two state solution. Hillary not only doesn’t have a Road Map, she has no admitted clue concerning the human rights injustices that is being perpetrated against the Palestinian people. Else, she does but doesn’t give a damn. What has the Democratic party come to be?

Ali Abunimah, cofounder of the The Electronic Intifada, on March 4, 2007 wrote this
personal essay about Obama’s newly discovered dedication to the Israel Lobby. The title is Abunimah’s. Yes, Obama is now a committed supporter (electively blind) of Israel’s occupation and colonial effort to disenfranchise the Palestinians of an independent, sovereign state. But it was not always that way.

Speaking about Obama, Abunimah notes,

THE NEW OBAMA

I first met Democratic presidential hopeful Senator Barack Obama almost ten years ago when, as my representative in the Illinois state senate, he came to speak at the University of Chicago. He impressed me as progressive, intelligent and charismatic. I distinctly remember thinking ‘if only a man of this caliber could become president one day.’

On Friday Obama gave a speech to the American Israel Public Affairs Committee (AIPAC) in Chicago. It had been much anticipated in American Jewish political circles, which buzzed about his intensive efforts to woo wealthy pro-Israel campaign donors who up to now have generally leaned towards his main rival Senator Hillary Clinton.

Reviewing the speech, Ha’aretz Washington correspondent Shmuel Rosner concluded that Obama “sounded as strong as Clinton, as supportive as Bush, as friendly as Giuliani. At least rhetorically, Obama passed any test anyone might have wanted him to pass. So, he is pro-Israel. Period.”

Israel is “our strongest ally in the region and its only established democracy,” Obama said, assuring his audience that “we must preserve our total commitment to our unique defense relationship with Israel by fully funding military assistance and continuing work on the Arrow and related missile defense programs.” Such advanced multi-billion dollar systems he asserted, would help Israel “deter missile attacks from as far as Tehran and as close as Gaza.” As if the starved, besieged and traumatized population of Gaza are about to develop intercontinental ballistic missiles.

Obama offered not a single word of criticism of Israel, of its relentless settlement and wall construction, of the closures that make life unlivable for millions of Palestinians.

There was no comfort for the hundreds of thousands of people in Gaza who live in the dark, or the patients who cannot get dialysis, because of what Israeli human rights group B’Tselem termed “one cold, calculated decision, made by Israel’s prime minister, defense minister, and IDF chief of staff” last summer to bomb the only power plant in Gaza,” a decision that “had nothing to do with the attempts to achieve [the] release [of a captured soldier] nor any other military need.” It was a gratuitous war crime, one of many condemned by human rights organizations, against an occupied civilian population who under the Fourth Geneva Convention Israel is obligated to protect.

While constantly emphasizing his concern about the threat Israelis face from Palestinians, Obama said nothing about the exponentially more lethal threat Israelis present to Palestinians. In 2006, according to B’Tselem, Israeli occupation forces killed 660 Palestinians of whom 141 were children — triple the death toll for 2005. In the same period, 23 Israelis were killed by Palestinians, half the number of 2005 (by contrast, 500 Israelis die each year in road accidents).

(snip)

There was absolutely nothing in Obama’s speech that deviated from the hardline consensus underpinning US policy in the region. Echoing the sort of exaggeration and alarmism that got the United States into the Iraq war, he called Iran “one of the greatest threats to the United States, to Israel, and world peace.” While advocating “tough” diplomacy with Iran he confirmed that “we should take no option, including military action, off the table.” He opposed a Palestinian unity government between Hamas and Fatah and insisted “we must maintain the isolation of Hamas” until it meets the Quartet’s one-sided conditions. He said Hizbullah, which represents millions of Lebanon’s disenfranchised and excluded, “threatened the fledgling movement for democracy” and blamed it for “engulf[ing] that entire nation in violence and conflict.”

But it wasn’t always the case that Obama was blind to the civil and human rights injustices being perpetrated by Israel against the Palestinian people.

THE OLD OBAMA

Photobucket
(From left to right, Michelle Obama, then Illinois state senator Barack Obama, Columbia University Professor Edward Said and Mariam Said at a May 1998 Arab community event in Chicago at which Edward Said gave the keynote speech. Image from archives of Ali Abunimah)

Over the years since I first saw Obama speak I met him about half a dozen times, often at Palestinian and Arab-American community events in Chicago including a May 1998 community fundraiser at which Edward Said was the keynote speaker. In 2000, when Obama unsuccessfully ran for Congress I heard him speak at a campaign fundraiser hosted by a University of Chicago professor. On that occasion and others Obama was forthright in his criticism of US policy and his call for an even-handed approach to the Palestinian-Israeli conflict.

The last time I spoke to Obama was in the winter of 2004 at a gathering in Chicago’s Hyde Park neighborhood. He was in the midst of a primary campaign to secure the Democratic nomination for the United States Senate seat he now occupies. But at that time polls showed him trailing.

As he came in from the cold and took off his coat, I went up to greet him. He responded warmly, and volunteered, “Hey, I’m sorry I haven’t said more about Palestine right now, but we are in a tough primary race. I’m hoping when things calm down I can be more up front.” He referred to my activism, including columns I was contributing to the The Chicago Tribune critical of Israeli and US policy, “Keep up the good work!”

But Obama’s gradual shift into the AIPAC camp had begun as early as 2002 as he planned his move from small time Illinois politics to the national scene. In 2003, Forward reported on how he had “been courting the pro-Israel constituency.” He co-sponsored an amendment to the Illinois Pension Code allowing the state of Illinois to lend money to the Israeli government. Among his early backers was Penny Pritzker — now his national campaign finance chair — scion of the liberal but staunchly Zionist family that owns the Hyatt hotel chain. (The Hyatt Regency hotel on Mount Scopus was built on land forcibly expropriated from Palestinian owners after Israel occupied East Jerusalem in 1967). He has also appointed several prominent pro-Israel advisors.

Obama has also been close to some prominent Arab Americans, and has received their best advice. His decisive trajectory reinforces a lesson that politically weak constituencies have learned many times: access to people with power alone does not translate into influence over policy. Money and votes, but especially money, channelled through sophisticated and coordinated networks that can “bundle” small donations into million dollar chunks are what buy influence on policy. Currently, advocates of Palestinian rights are very far from having such networks at their disposal. Unless they go out and do the hard work to build them, or to support meaningful campaign finance reform, whispering in the ears of politicians will have little impact. (For what it’s worth, I did my part. I recently met with Obama’s legislative aide, and wrote to Obama urging a more balanced policy towards Palestine.)

If disappointing, given his historically close relations to Palestinian-Americans, Obama’s about-face is not surprising. He is merely doing what he thinks is necessary to get elected and he will continue doing it as long as it keeps him in power. Palestinian-Americans are in the same position as civil libertarians who watched with dismay as Obama voted to reauthorize the USA Patriot Act, or immigrant rights advocates who were horrified as he voted in favor of a Republican bill to authorize the construction of a 700-mile fence on the border with Mexico.

Only if enough people know what Obama and his competitors stand for, and organize to compel them to pay attention to their concerns can there be any hope of altering the disastrous course of US policy in the Middle East. It is at best a very long-term project that cannot substitute for support for the growing campaign of boycott, divestment and sanctions needed to hold Israel accountable for its escalating violence and solidifying apartheid.

So in some sense, supporters of Hillary are justified in criticizing critics of her Middle East policy. But no one can deny that no other candidate is as extreme as Hillary in her genuflection to the Israel Lobby. I don’t see Obama forgetting his earlier commiseration with the Palestinians and their rightful cause. Unlike Hillary, his Israel position is a position of convenience, perhaps of the knowledge that there is an elephant in the room of American politics that no one wishes to talk about. It is just there, and Obama knows it.

Reprinted by EI permission.

The Corporate Media is Afraid

You know it’s coming and yet it’s always somehow a surprise when it arrives. Joe Klein spent New Year’s Eve blasting the front-running populists of both major American political parties. It’s not just Klein. A healthy percentage of the Washington opinion writers have put their nose to the grindstone over this holiday season to slam John Edwards and Mike Huckabee for their populism. Populism seems to be a genuine fear that the Washington Establishment attacks without any regard for facts. It’s obvious and disturbing when their guns are aimed at Hugo Chavez or some other third-world left-leaning leader. They’ll call him a dictator without so much as a blush, despite the fact that Chavez is a democratically elected official. But it becomes something insidious when this type of mendacity is aimed at the American left.

First of all, John Edwards isn’t even an established representative of the American left. Until 15 minutes ago, he was a New Democrat poster boy for the Democratic Leadership Council and a co-sponsor of the Authorization to Use Military Force in Iraq (2002). He’s been moving left rhetorically at about the same rate as the country at large.

Secondly, Mike Huckabee is, by his own campaign manager’s admission, more George Wallace Democrat than traditional Republican.

Mr. Rollins, for his part, traced Mr. Huckabee’s political lineage back to George Wallace in 1968 (without the segregationism). Mr. Wallace and, later, Pat Buchanan and Ross Perot appealed to the same blocs of working-class voters and socially conservative white Southerners that the Republican Party began trying to court in Senator Barry Goldwater’s 1964 campaign.

Santorum sees a slightly different Democratic Party heritage for Huckabee.

Some doubt Mr. Huckabee’s distinctive style will translate as well beyond Midwestern states like Iowa — the region where Christian populism was born in the person of William Jennings Bryan. “I see Huckabee as more of a Prairie populist than what I would consider a traditional conservative,” said former Senator Rick Santorum of Pennsylvania, a stalwart of the conservative movement once considered a 2008 presidential contender himself. “I don’t see how he takes that show across the East Coast or even the Midwest.”

All of this is confusing the pundits. Edwards, for example, is not running a William Jennings Bryan or George Wallace Campaign. If he has an antecedent it is the Farmer-Labor Party of the Upper Midwest.

The first modern Farmer-Labor Party in the United States emerged in Minnesota in 1918. Economic dislocation caused by American entry into the war put agricultural prices and workers’ wages into imbalance with rapidly escalating retail prices during the war years, and farmers and workers sought to make common cause in the political sphere to redress their grievances.

The Minnesota DFL has provided Democratic giants like Hubert Humphrey, Eugene McCarthy, Walter Mondale, and Paul Wellstone. That’s the kind of Establishmentarian populism we’re really talking about here. It’s nothing revolutionary…and by combining it, in Edwards, with the trial lawyers and Research Triangle tech-savvy professionals, and giving it a Southern twang…this kind of populism has a new face in American politics.

Meanwhile, Huckabee truly is a throwback to Jennings Bryan, who most famously argued against evolution at the Scopes trial. He also sounds a bit like the Know-Nothings, but so do all the other Republican candidates, save McCain. Xenophobia and biblical literalism are now the near exclusive domain of the Republican Party…at least, in terms of brand. That’s why Huckabee is not running as a Democrat. But he’s really an old fashioned snake-oil salesman and populist from the old school. His type is dangerous. But not because he doesn’t give a crap about the interests of hedge fund operators. He’s dangerous because he is not acquainted with the 21st-Century.

However you slice it, the people want populism. They don’t want to destroy the business community, but they want something done about the ‘dislocation caused by American entry into the war [that] put agricultural prices and workers’ wages into imbalance with rapidly escalating retail prices.’

And that means that Edwards and Huckabee should do very, very well in Thursday’s caucuses. The corporate media is afraid.

The fix IS in, folks. Bet on it. The only question that remains? Is it a GOOD one?

                                               Image Hosted by ImageShack.us

So here, there and everywhere on the loftiness…errr,  leftiness…blogs the anti-Hillary screams resound.

She’s a closet Republican.

She’s Bill’s sockpuppet.

She’s a tool of the establishment.

Edwards this.

Obama that.

Where’s Fat Al when you really need him? (Not so much of this since he won the Nobel Prize and became a monument to his own hustle, I notice.)

Is Bloomberg going to come in and buy the whole goddamned country?

Etc., etc., etc.

Face it.

The fix is in, and she is the choice of the currently ascendant fixers.

Image Hosted by ImageShack.us

So it goes.

Deal with it.

Read on for more.
As I have said many times on these blogs…with Ms. Clinton’s recent (Presidentially-treated by much of the media) pronouncements on the Bhutto assassination functioning as one of many proofs of the matter…the fix is in, has been in and will remain in.

I believe that Hillary Clinton is the candidate of the “left wing”…for want of a more accurate term… segment of the military/industrial/intelligence establishment that now stands in opposition to BushCo’s tactics if not their strategic imperatives (Economic imperialism, control of the Middle East, etc. Economic Petroleumism,  to coin a word.), the tips of which massive loyal opposition iceberg have been floating in plain sight innumerable times over the past several years…the Plame thing being the largest and longest continuing sighting.

But there have been others.

Such as:

The Representative of the fine State of the Military John Murtha’s opposition to the war. (To not going balls to the wall and WINNING the war, actually. But let’s not quibble.)

The media hype that resulted in an overwhelming victory for the Dems in ’06.

The drift from the pro-war/shock and awe hoopla staged by the media at the beginning of the Iraq war to the current isolation of Fox News and a few tabloids as just about the ONLY remaining right wing cheerleaders.

NUMEROUS basically unreported high level mutinies in the armed services.

The real economic panic that is finally beginning to settle in amongst the real movers and shakers.

Keith Olbermann’s survival…with top-level permission to be dissin’ or he would be back doing soccer color commentarty for some little sports network like Versus, bet on it…on a network that is basically owned by the giant defense contractor General Electric.

Etc, etc. etc.

The bosses of this wing have decided to install a new overseer, and HRC is the chosen one.

Auditions for the replacement are just about over and their results were largely decided behind closed doors.

The OTHER PermaGov wing has been thoroughly weakened by their many and egregious ongoing failures…blunders might be a more accurate word…and it is limping along with a very unappetizing pack of wannabes, including some members of its own party that do not in the least fit the classic Ratpub mold.

That leaves the third force in the game.

The (snicker) “people”. Who have been so thoroughly and successfully media-hypnotized since the need for multiple assassinations convinced the bosses that there had to be a better way back in the ’60s that the other two forces basically believe that they can totally ignore this very large but very weak third force.

HOWEVER…into the midst of all of this plotting and counter-plotting waltzes someone with some real charisma.

Some powerful baraka.

Baraka oh BROTHER!!!

Baraka Obam.

Barak Obama.

A magician.

A stand up counter-hypnotist.

The proverbial potential monkey wrench in the works.

Who can quite possibly ruin Queen Hillary’s image as the chosen, inevitable, hereditary queen and maybe even get himself elected in the process.

UH oh!!!

I can hear the backroom boys now.

Oh, SHIT!!!

Where is HE gonna come from?

What to do, what to do?

My own observation as to what they have decided to do?

They are splitting the difference.

Dividing to conquer.

They are promoting Edwards, who is…I am sorry to have to continue to point this out…a terribly flawed candidate, one with whom HRC (unless she is so wounded by Obama that she totally loses it) can easily deal, one that so weakens Mr. Obama’s early primary results that Obama is crippled as well.

And as a safety, a fallback, at least SOME of the establishment opposition is backing the centrist’s centrist, Mike Bloomberg. He is so centrist (So opportunistic?) that no one really knows what party or parties have EVER had his allegiance over the past 30 years.

But he can be trusted to…

Take Care of Business.

Which is where we stand a few days before the first…totally jive, I might add…primary.

Iowa? Give me a break!!! Iowa is just a publicity stunt to stampede the larger and less controllable primaries that follow.

Straw poll?

More like a straw man.

But…it is hottest-thing-ever news, now.

Stop the red herring press, I want to get off.

The couple of thousand centrist Dems who take part in it…centrally located, centrally aged, centrally incomed white people almost all, almost all of whom watch the major media as if Moses were about to reincarnate and give them that elusive Eleventh Commandment? Those few thousands switch on their TVs to bask in the horrible news of how the beautiful semi-Oriental Dragon Lady met her untimely death at the hands of Islamist fiends, and what do they see?

Semi-President Hillary Clinton calmly taking the reins in the BIG time crises and essentially reassuring everyone that Mommy’s here, it’s all under control and everything’s going to be just fine.

C’mon.

The fix is in.

As outside outsiders…our own unfortunate position in the great game…what can WE do about it?

Not much, sad to say.

Hope Kucinich gets a cabinet post?

Root for Obama to pull off a real upset or run as VP?

I dunno.

But I DO know this.

I would feel safe today making an 8 to 1 bet that Hillary Clinton will be elected President of the United States in 2008, and that she brings with her a commanding Democratic majority in both Houses of Congress as she does so

Why?

Because he is backed by the smart money; the smart money controls the media and the media controls the vote.

Watch.

AG

P.S. I will also lay you even money that Ms. Clinton is at heart a classic FDR-style pragmatic liberal, a smart, crafty one at that and that she WILL get things done.

As I so often say…we shall see.

We shall soon see.

Watch.

Joe Klein: A Corporate Shill Villager

And it continues:

Edwards seems to have jumped the shark. His latest pitch has taken his natural populism over a cliff. It sort of sounds like: The Corporations Are Going To Eat Your Children. Actually what he says is, “We’re not going to let corporate greed steal our children’s future.” Over and over again. There is a strong argument to be made that the natural balance of the American economy has tilted toward the wealthy and the power of entrenched special interests, and needs to be tilted back in the direction of the middle class and poor. Both Clinton and Obama make that argument effectively, and place it in a reasonable context. For example, both say: Yes, the insurance and pharmaceutical industries will try to block universal health insurance, and we’re going to have to beat them. Edwards says, “I will never–never!–sit down at a table with them,” which is just ridiculous. If he wants to pass universal health insurance, he’s going to have to build a coalition that includes or neutralizes much of the business community–if not the insurance and pharmaceutical industries–or it won’t pass. As it is, he just sounds desperate, contentious and unreasonable.

Edwards is also wildly irresponsible on trade. He’s now saying that trade deals have cost “millions of jobs.” They haven’t. NAFTA has been a wash, creating as many jobs as have been lost. This is demagoguery–implying that if we just shut down the free trade regime, the global economy is going to go away, and stop taking low-value-added manufacturing jobs to other countries. It raises false hopes among the hardest working Americans, which is just disgraceful. It is also slightly out of date: with the weak dollar, exports represents a sector of the economy poised for real growth. A more responsible candidate, who really had the interests of the working class in mind, would emphasize the need for a stronger social safety net, more help for displaced workers and higher taxes to pay for it. Edwards believes in all that, but he’s not saying it these days–he’s choosing, instead, to use the heaviest, ugliest weapons in his arsenal.

Joe Klein…bought and paid for.

Homeless Homeowners Sleeping Under Bridge

I wrote this after a recent visit to an homeless encampment in New Orleans. I’m a native Louisianian, struggling to grasp the issues here and present them to the rest of the world.

The rate of homelessness has tripled in New Orleans since Katrina, and the actual numbers are probably far higher than the 15,000 reported. Homeless homeowners are living under the overpass at Canal and Claiborne in New Orleans, along with a host of New Orleans natives, and people from out of town looking for work. Another encampment has sprung up at Claiborne and Tulane Ave., in the shadow of the not shuttered Charity Hospital.

BTW, a homeless, tent encampment has sprung up recently in Los Angeles, spoken about in this Daily Kos diary. I believe that America is on the verge of an explosion in homelessness, both here in New Orleans and across the country.

 
This issues are very intense in New Orleans right now, as everyone witnessed activists being tasered and pepper sprayed inside and outside of a City Council meeting, in which there was a unanimous vote to demolish most of public housing in New Orleans. I was an eyewitness to the event, and took a face full of pepper spray, and I wrote my personal account here.

Here is my recent article below, and I would appreciate feedback.

I met two people, a man and a woman, New Orleans natives, each of whom owned homes when the waters filled New Orleans East and the lower ninth ward.

Alex Clay, age 53, sitting in a comfortable chair next to his matress on the concrete, told me he was living in his mother’s home in the lower ninth ward when Katrina unleashed her water fury. His mother had died just one month prior to Katrina, and he was the only relative living in the home.

He survived the flood by sitting atop a neighbor’s roof with four other adults, and one dog. He was rescued by boat, dropped off at the St. Claude bridge, walked to Canal St., and there his story trailed off. He can’t remember where he was brought, what city or small town he lived in for over a year after Katrina.

He knows though that when he came back, he went to see his mother’s home in the lower ninth. The house was gone, demolished, “nothing but grass now where it stood”.

He’s been homeless since he returned to New Orleans about eight months ago. He’s been living under the overpass at the intersection of Canal and Claiborne.

No, he has not applied for Road Home help. Neither has Linda Adams (not her real name), a homeowner from New Orleans East when Katrina came crashing ashore. She has no insurance, she said, and about the Road Home, she said she “didn’t hear much about it.”

Linda asked for sanitary napkins. On my way to Walgreen’s to purchase some for her, I reflected on the trauma that many are still feeling, and have suffered since Katrina. Trauma so deep and dramatic that it takes you outside of the normal parameters of life, so that you don’t hear about programs that might assist you in recovery.

And while Louisiana Recovery Authority officials pat themselves on the backs for jobs well done, they have shut the Road Home program down, before those like Linda and Alex could muster their inner and outer resources sufficiently to be able to apply. Then again, if you don’t have a current address, could you have applied for the Road Home?

I can see Linda and Alex shuffling through the morass of paperwork for the Road Home, explaining to worker after worker, “I don’t have a current address, I am homeless.”

This particular encampment at Canal and Claiborne is “peaceful”, as one resident described it. Mostly older, middle-aged folks, and a few young people “that don’t give any trouble”. A mentally-ill resident of Iberville Housing Development, just steps away, is a regular visitor, and she was there today, threatening that her attorney would “shut the place down” and everybody “better get their shit packed and moved by Monday”.

I recognize her as someone I gave money to at the corner of Canal and Claiborne a few weeks after Katrina. No one in the encampment seemed bothered by her. Indeed, one man put his hand gently on her shoulder and mouthed comforting words “It’s alright sister, it’s alright.”.

Just blocks away is the now shuttered Lafitte Housing Development. 850 units shuttered and scheduled for demolition, while we have New Orleans natives, made homeless by Katrina, sleeping under a nearby overpass.

The sheer immensity of this situation, this human rights violation, can be viewed as a violation to us all, here in New Orleans. It makes one want to scream from rooftops, won’t someone hear our cry here in New Orleans? Won’t someone recognize the need for immediate action before we lose over 4000 units of affordable, public housing, units that the Alex Clays and the Linda Adams could potentially live in, at least temporarily, in units residents don’t return to?

Reopening public housing would also free up much needed rental units, and potentially drive down rents in the city.

Our own people are not hearing our cry. Local and state leaders have bought into the dictum of the “private market” rebuilding New Orleans. Let’s translate this: a few developers will make a lot of money in post Katrina New Orleans, whether from gobbling up homes and land abandoned because the homeowners couldn’t pay mortgages, or were just too traumatized to connect with the Road Home Program, like Alex and Linda, or whether from the redevelopment of public housing, and reducing the numbers of units for low income renters dramatically, and benefiting from federal tax credits in the process…this is how money will be made in Post-Katrina New Orleans.

Local political leaders are hedging their bets with the whims of homeowners who have been able to rebuild, and are voting policies that benefit a few at the expense of the many.

Raymond, a New Orleans native, returned to New Orleans over one and one-half years ago. He has been homeless since returning, living under the Claiborne/Canal overpass. He works constuction, but finding decent work has proved daunting. He might eat one meal a day, he says. “Some of the people here don’t even eat that”, he said.

Neither Alex, Linda or Raymond have been approached by Unity for the Homeless. “I’ve heard of them,” Alex said. Remember, Alex has been at this location for eight months; he’s heard of Unity, but has never been approached by one of their workers.

Let’s face it, there is not a rush to assist the homeless in New Orleans. That $1.5 million recently doled out to Unity for the Homeless is chump change compared to the issue at hand: pulling people off of the street, getting them into decent housing, and staying with them for the long term to keep them off of the street.

David Williams, not his real name, and a resident of this encampment, just had surgery. He pulled his shirt up to reveal a long row of stitches that are holding the scar together. He had a hole in his kidney; said he nearly died out here, under the overpass. He pointed to a tent. “The fellow that lives there, he kept me alive”, he said, “until the ambulance came”.

He said he has medications, and he’s feeling fine. University Hospital is treating him. What he doesn’t have is clean gauze and peroxide. David is a convicted felon, and a veteran. He has been homeless since the storm.

He gestured angrily at the empty buildings nearby. “What about this big empty building?” he said. David wants to work, and is hoping for a job with his nephew. He doesn’t want help from the government, and said he has too much pride to stay with family.

There are a host of people in the encampment from elsewhere, who came here looking for work after Katrina. There is a cabinet maker from New Hampshire, a construction worker from Monroe, Louisiana, a groundskeeper from California, and two young people in their twenties from New York.

Cheryl and Wes, not their real names, decided to pull up stakes from New York, and come down here for work. On their way here, their car burnt to the ground, along with all of their clothes and money. The Red Cross paid for their bus fare here, and they’ve been homeless since November 1st.

They were sleeping by the wharves on the river, but they began to hear about rapes occurring at the wharves, and so decided to join the encampment at Canal and Claiborne. They work cleaning the Superdome, which is just blocks away, as do several people that I spoke to in the encampment.

When I visited the homeless who were encamped at Duncan Plaza, several of those folks also said they worked at the Superdome, cleaning up after special events.

The irony of this situation fairly screams for attention. In the shadow of the Superdome, where people died waiting for help after Katrina, now sleep the homeless. They work in the Superdome, but there is no housing for them in New Orleans that is affordable.

The Superdome, by the way, was repaired and refurbished and back on line just one year after Katrina. I remember Governor Blanco mouthing platitudes, something to the effect, “This shows the will and determination of the people of Louisiana to rebuild”.

No governor, this shows something else. Terribly misplaced priorities, and a cold willingness to look the other way when it comes to the suffering of Louisianians, as they continue to struggle to recover.

Stu Rothenberg: A Corporate Shill Villager

When it comes to the media, or the Village, they are like a child that has dropped and shattered a cookie jar all over the kitchen floor and doesn’t want anyone to come sweep it up. ‘Mistakes were made’ they say, and think that can be the end of it. Take a look at Stu Rothenberg:

Democrats must decide whether they want a candidate who is angry and confrontational, and who sees those favoring compromise as traitors (Edwards), or a candidate who presents himself as a uniter (Obama), or a candidate who presents herself as someone who understands the ways of Washington and can get things done (Clinton).

While Clinton and Obama both acknowledge the importance of working with various interests, including Capitol Hill Republicans and the business community, to come up with solutions to key problems, Edwards sounds more and more like the neighborhood bully who plans to dictate what is to be done.

The ‘ways of Washington’ have brought us to this pass. Shards of crockery are all over the floor. The three candidates under discussion here all have the same kind of experience on the ‘ways of Washington’ because they are all, or have been, U.S. senators. Edwards, like Clinton, has been part of a national campaign. Clinton might have a better understanding of what goes on in the East Wing of the White House, but there’s little to no real difference in the candidates’ respective experience with the ‘ways of Washington’.

They all know that you can’t pass major legislation in Washington unless you have at least a little bipartisan support. The only way to get around that requirement is to have the White House, 60-plus senators, and a healthy majority of the House. The Democrats have an outside chance of obtaining those three prerequisites of unipartisanship. But it’s unlikely that Edwards will move in on Pennsylvania Avenue and find that he doesn’t need to work with Republicans to get things done. He knows that. What he is doing now is asking for a mandate for change, so that if he gets elected he can say that the people want certain things done. Above all, Edwards wants to clean up the crockery. But he also wants to overcome big business’ blockage of meaningful energy, environmental, and health reforms. What distinguishes Edwards’ rhetoric is his insistence that we cannot overcome big business by compromising with them. We must defeat them. I’ll come back to this in a moment, but let’s look at some more Rothenberg:

The former North Carolina senator is running a classic populist campaign that would have made William Jennings Bryan (or Ralph Nader) proud. Everything is Corporate America’s fault. But he’s also portraying himself as fighting for the middle class and able to appeal to swing voters and even Republicans in a general election.

Edwards certainly would dispute that there is an inherent contradiction between his populist rhetoric and his alleged middle class appeal. But his approach to problems is likely to frighten many voters, including most middle class Americans and virtually all Republicans.

What’s interesting here is that Rothenberg reveals a bias. He thinks a populist campaign, by definition, promises nothing for the middle class, won’t be supported by the middle class, and then he concludes that a populist campaign will frighten the middle class. It’s a strange way of looking at things. Rothenberg must think the middle class is comfortable, happy, and complacent. Yet, poll after poll shows that the American people are unhappy with the direction of the country, pessimistic about the economy, and pessimistic about the future. Energy, health, and education costs are through the roof, and income disparity has reached pre-Great Depression levels. People are losing their homes and the value of their homes. We’re bogged down in an unpopular war in Iraq and we’re not doing well in Afghanistan. The world increasingly dislikes us. They have a more favorable opinion of China than the United States.

Let’s go back to those nasty corporations. A look at Edwards’ rhetoric will show that he’s angry with corporations for specific reasons: health care coverage, energy emissions standards, etc. He’s not opposed to the existence of corporations or to their profitability. He thinks they have undue influence and that the interests of the American people and the world are in conflict with the interests of big business in specific cases. Edwards doesn’t want to destroy Exxon/Mobil, he wants to beat them politically and get something done.

But Rotherberg doesn’t see it that way.

Scare the stuffing out of Corporate America and watch the stock market tumble. That’s certain to make retirement funds – including those owned by labor unions and “working families” – happy, right? Stick it to Wal-Mart, and their 1.8 million employees are at risk. Beat up on IBM, and you are beating up on their 330,000 employees. Take a pound of flesh from General Electric, Citigroup, Home Depot and United Technologies, and you’ve put the squeeze on just under 1.2 million employees.

It’s easy to see the logical fallacy here. Rothenberg is suggesting that a president can’t make Corporate America nervous without it hurting the very people a populist sets out to aid. Even the suggestion that corporations might have to pay more for what they pollute, for example, is bound to cause massive lay-offs and a collapse of the stock market. If Wal-Mart has to abide by reasonable labor standards, those jobs will just be lost. Rothenberg sets up rules where the little guy can never win. And he wants to impose those rules on the electorate, whom he considers middle class, but not unhappy for being so.

Edwards portrays himself as a fighter for the middle class, but his message is decidedly working class and left. The North Carolina Democrat’s message seems well-suited for 1933 or 1934, but not nearly as ideal for 2008.

What is unintentionally ironic here, is Rothenberg’s assertion that Edwards’ policies would be appropriate in 1933 (in the midst of the Great Depression) just not in 2008. We might ask whether FDR’s policies might have been appropriate in 1928 before the extremes of the Gilded Age led to worldwide calamity. After all, income disparity is right back at 1928 levels. And Rothenberg isn’t just talking about what will sell here, he’s saying that Edwards’ policies are bad. Here’s his conclusion:

But let’s be very clear: Given the North Carolina Democrat’s rhetoric and agenda, an Edwards Presidency would likely rip the nation apart – even further apart than Bush has torn it.

I’m tempted to just say, “WTF?”. Edwards wouldn’t rip the nation apart, he’d rip the Village apart. He’d change the status quo in the ‘ways of Washington’. At least, that’s what he’s looking for a mandate to do. And I think the middle class is feeling quite ‘working class and left’ at the moment. They’re ready to sweep the kitchen floor.

Revenge of the Son of the Attack of the FU: The New Batch

From good ol’ Atrios.

No, Really, This Time…

Jackson Diehl, today.

Yet, for once, saying that the next six to 12 months will win or lose the war just might be right.

Of course what he’s talking about is whether politicians will decide to keep over 100,000 troops there forever, or just a lot longer. And, suddenly, actual political progress in Iraq is basically irrelevant.

I’d argue that it’s been irrelevant since the beginning.  It never mattered what kind of progress was made in Iraq, political, military, social, or economic.
It never mattered at all.  That’s what Jackson Diehl and I think a vast majority of Americans just don’t understand.  

Progress in Iraq of any type is irrelevant because we’re never leaving Iraq.

Let me say this again for those who are holding out hope that somehow our troops will “win a victory” and “come home”.  They aren’t coming home.  We’re never leaving Iraq.

The plan all along was a beachhead in the Middle East for what will be the coming resource wars over oil in the region.  Period.  The USSR went in first and they collapsed.  The neocons are convinced we can do it better, so now it’s our turn.

We may be forced out of Iraq someday, but we will never leave under our own volition.  The collection of powers the Bush Administration has stolen from the rest of the government has been done for one purpose and one purpose only:  to eliminate any and all resistance to the perpetual resource war state.

None of the major Presidential candidates of either party are saying that they will leave Iraq and return these powers to the Constitution.  Those who are promising as such will never be allowed close to the seat of power.  Witness Ron Paul being excluded from the last debate on FOX because he’s a “fringe candidate” despite polling higher than Fred Thompson.  The fix is in.

The endgame of America is a neo-feudal state where the elite control practically all the wealth, and use it to  both oppress the rest of America and to force it to fight in resource wars to gain more for the elite.  At home, we’re turning into a fascist police state where dissent is not only not tolerated, it is becoming increasingly illegal.

We’ll be six to twelve months away from knowing how Iraq will turn out 5 years, 10 years, 20 years, and more from now.  We’ll always be told victory is right around the corner.  Those who figure it out it’ll never happen will be dealt with.

The coming election will seal our fate.

Sitting On the Fence Is Creasing My Activist Butt

Photobucket

The topic below was originally posted in my blog, the Intrepid Liberal Journal, as well as the Independent Bloggers Alliance, the Peace Tree, Wild Wild Left and Worldwide Sawdust.

Warning, this is a long post. It’s long because supporting a presidential candidate for me is deeply personal. It’s not simply deciding which candidate I will pull the lever for in the privacy of a voting booth. Rather I approach the decision as an activist and ask myself: after weighing all the virtues and flaws of the declared candidates on whose behalf am I willing to devote my free time?

In my darker moments I’ll ask myself, “Do any of these lying corporatist whores deserve my support? Why bother with any of them?” The ship has long sailed on my days of being a “true believer.”
Ultimately, in spite of my disenchantment, I believe in the power of the vote. Even with the sordid history of stolen elections and broken promises, I remain convinced the best way to change the system is through participation in the political process. And the best vehicle for progressive reform is by leveraging the Democratic Party – flawed as it is. Which means I have to finally stop creasing my butt, get off the fence and choose a candidate.

Picking a candidate this primary season has been especially agonizing. My top choices were former Vice President Al Gore and Wisconsin Senator Russ Feingold. I would’ve volunteered for either in a heartbeat. When both opted not to run I was left cold and preferred to wait until the race sorted itself out.

Meanwhile, this past year I amused myself reading blog postings on Daily Kos and elsewhere expressing certitude about the virtues of particular candidates while trashing rival campaigns. The theme was usually along the lines of “only my candidate is the true progressive with a chance to win while so and so is simply an enabler of the corporate pro-war plutocracy who will destroy the Democratic Party and eat your children.”

The only certitude I felt was disenchantment with Hillary Clinton whom I believe would govern entirely from weakness and be an agent of the status quo. Furthermore, I never bought into the Clinton rationale about “experience” because of her tenure as First Lady. For what it’s worth, as a New Yorker, I believe Clinton’s done an admirable job of constituent service in the senate. But on the broader issues of war and peace, bridging the gap between rich and poor and being a progressive advocate, Clinton’s record is under-whelming at best.

Otherwise the remaining field left me uncommitted. Joe Biden, Chris Dodd, John Edwards, Bill Richardson and Barack Obama are all compelling figures with many virtues as well as flawed agents of a corrupt political system. And yes that includes Edwards who despite his populist message is also not a white knight. None of them are.

I appreciate much of what Dennis Kucinich has to say, resent how he was denied access to a recent debate but never seriously considered supporting him. As a protest candidate Kucinich has contributed and I respect his supporters. But he was a failure as Mayor of Cleveland and would have as much chance winning a national election as I do of dating Otherwise the remaining field left me uncommitted. Joe Biden, Chris Dodd, John Edwards, Bill Richardson and Barack Obama are all compelling figures with many virtues as well as flawed agents of a corrupt political system. And yes that includes Edwards who despite his populist message is also not a white knight. None of them are.

I appreciate much of what Dennis Kucinich has to say, resent how he was denied access to a recent debate but never seriously considered supporting him. As a protest candidate Kucinich has contributed and I respect his supporters. But he was a failure as Mayor of Cleveland and would have as much chance winning a national election as I do of dating Scarlett Johansson.

If I were twenty again, I might find stuffing envelopes, canvassing and phone banking on Kucinich’s behalf the right way to go. But that doesn’t feel right this time. Rather I believe it imperative Democrats avoid the calamity of nominating Hillary Clinton and supporting a protest candidate won’t get that done.

Clinton’s original support of the Iraq war was a callous and cowardly act of political expediency. Her tepid ‘if I knew now what I knew then’ explanation regarding Iraq is neither believable nor acceptable. War and peace requires a different standard of leadership. Not calculating cynicism resulting in needless bloodshed.

In 2007, Clinton’s vote labeling the Iranian Revolutionary Guards a terrorist organization for example was irresponsible at best. One can presume that as president the political fifty-yard line will be looked upon as the Holy Grail and doing right a secondary consideration. Senator Clinton has managed to achieve a rare political feat: she is both a polarizing figure and without a principled core.

As long as Clinton is regarded as a polarizing figure anyway, it boggles the mind why she refused to stand for something as senator. Clinton’s had six years to put her prestige on the line for the working poor, human rights and a judicious foreign policy. Instead she only enabled the neo-cons and is now regarded favorably by the drug and pharmaceutical companies.

Whereas Bobby Kennedy became a tribune to the underclass as senator, Hillary Clinton positioned herself as a reassuring figure for corporate special interests. Tell me Senator Clinton has scheming to achieve centrist nirvana taken the edge off your polarization in any way? Clintonism undermines the progressive cause just when the center of political gravity is in our favor. Conservatism is sucking wind and we can’t allow this moment in history to be squandered by nominating another Clinton.

Edwards and Obama are the only Democratic candidates who have any chance of defeating Senator Clinton and prevailing in November. Hence, supporting any of the other candidates, regardless of their principles, personal virtues and credentials is a waste. Sorry, that’s just the way it is. I wish it were otherwise because the field beyond Clinton, Edwards and Obama is far more accomplished in my opinion. Unfortunately, our political system rewards style over substance. If I didn’t feel it so imperative to stop Hillary Clinton from getting the nomination I’d likely support Chris Dodd. But under the circumstances I’m left to choose between Obama and Edwards. There are positives in the biographies of both men.

Obama could have pursued a career as a corporate lawyer after Harvard Law School and dedicated himself to making money. Many in his position would’ve done exactly that. Instead he chose community activism. That impresses me.

As an Illinois state legislator, Obama skillfully navigated the complex web of race, entrenched power and ego that comprise Chicago politics to be an agent of pragmatic reform. It was there that Obama’s political persona was defined: he fights fire with water. That has translated into a presidential campaign of progressive advocacy with the soft rhetoric of unity.

In my blog writing I’ve occasionally referred to Obama as a “platitude machine” in frustration at his reluctance to forcefully indict the agents of corporatism and militarism that have plagued our country. Too often this year Obama appeared content to utter polite words about bringing everyone to the table under the mystical aura of bipartisanship.

Yet Obama has shown remarkable growth in recent weeks and found his voice. I am impressed at how he’s drawn distinctions without coming off as shrill. The fist in the velvet glove is a rare gift in politics and Obama seems to have it. He’s been especially effective at contrasting himself with Clinton’s institutional/machine oriented politics of restoration entitlement.

I also note that among Obama’s foreign policy advisors is former Bill Clinton National Security Advisor Tony Lake. Unlike other members of the Clinton Administration currently advising Senator Clinton, Lake opposed the war with Iraq from the beginning. And of course so did Obama himself.

For a time I was ready to jump on Obama’s bandwagon, excited at the prospect of his potential for knocking off Hillary Clinton. Also, symbolism does indeed matter in politics and statecraft. A dark skinned president named Barack Hussein Obama, with part of his childhood spent in Indonesia and possessing Kenyan ancestry is powerful. Domestically the very idea of a President Obama is unifying for a nation sundered by race and baby boomer culture wars. Moreover, Obama’s international profile offers the promise of helping America return to the community of civilized nations. The temptation to support him is almost irresistible and I was nearly seduced by it.

America however needs far more than what Obama offers. Class warfare waged from the top has metastasized under the Bush Administration and must be forcefully reversed. Yes, water is usually the best antidote for fire. But this moment in history requires someone willing to make an omelet by breaking some eggs.

Politics is a fight and the quest for fairness in our current gilded age won’t be accomplished without a determined struggle. Edwards as we all know rose from humble beginnings to take on predatory corporations in the courtroom and he won big. Whenever Republicans talk about tort reform it’s code, to prevent advocates such as John Edwards from helping regular folks against entrenched corporate power. The fact Edwards earned a fortune at the expense of predatory corporations only angers the predatory conservative establishment even more. Remember the plutocracy considered FDR a traitor to his class too.

As previously noted, Edwards is not a white knight. For much of 2007 I leaned toward Edwards but his original support of the Iraq War and dabbling in hedge funds bothered me. Was his apology for originally supporting it genuine or merely politically expedient? How can any of us really know? Politicians have a nasty habit of being chameleons as it suits them.

Yet even as politicians pander to win over a public more interested in Hollywood scandal then global warming, it is possible to identify a core in some of these people. Al Gore for example, was a tactile politician who could shift with the prevailing winds but believed and worked for reversing global warming before it was popular. And John Edwards has spent much of his adult life standing up for ordinary people against predatory corporate power. This is a man who remembers where he came from.

Some consider the John Edwards message one of anger and prefer the soothing rhetoric of Obama. I find the Edwards message empowering. As Paul Krugman wrote in today’s New York Times,

“There’s a fantasy, widely held inside the Beltway that men and women of good will from both parties can be brought together to hammer out bipartisan solutions to the nation’s problems.”

As we saw six years ago, even with no mandate, predatory conservatives had no interest in sensible bipartisan solutions. Instead they shamelessly exploited the symbols of patriotism and war to finance crony capitalism at the expense of consumers, small business owners and the very old and young. One can’t negotiate power with these people. Power must be taken from them. For the first time in a generation we have a window to facilitate a true progressive reformation if we’re willing to fight for it. We negotiate when we’re cutting our losses. We fight when we have hope. This blogger is opting for the audacity of hope and supporting John Edwards.

If I were twenty again, I might find stuffing envelopes, canvassing and phone banking on Kucinich’s behalf the right way to go. But that doesn’t feel right this time. Rather I believe it imperative Democrats avoid the calamity of nominating Hillary Clinton and supporting a protest candidate won’t get that done.

Clinton’s original support of the Iraq war was a callous and cowardly act of political expediency. Her tepid `if I knew now what I knew then’ explanation regarding Iraq is neither believable nor acceptable. War and peace requires a different standard of leadership. Not calculating cynicism resulting in needless bloodshed.

In 2007, Clinton’s vote labeling the Iranian Revolutionary Guards a terrorist organization for example was irresponsible at best. One can presume that as president the political fifty-yard line will be looked upon as the Holy Grail and doing right a secondary consideration. Senator Clinton has managed to achieve a rare political feat: she is both a polarizing figure and without a principled core.

As long as Clinton is regarded as a polarizing figure anyway, it boggles the mind why she refused to stand for something as senator. Clinton’s had six years to put her prestige on the line for the working poor, human rights and a judicious foreign policy. Instead she only enabled the neo-cons and is now regarded favorably by the drug and pharmaceutical companies.

Whereas Bobby Kennedy became a tribune to the underclass as senator, Hillary Clinton positioned herself as a reassuring figure for corporate special interests. Tell me Senator Clinton has scheming to achieve centrist nirvana taken the edge off your polarization in any way? Clintonism undermines the progressive cause just when the center of political gravity is in our favor. Conservatism is sucking wind and we can’t allow this moment in history to be squandered by nominating another Clinton.

Edwards and Obama are the only Democratic candidates who have any chance of defeating Senator Clinton and prevailing in November. Hence, supporting any of the other candidates, regardless of their principles, personal virtues and credentials is a waste. Sorry, that’s just the way it is. I wish it were otherwise because the field beyond Clinton, Edwards and Obama is far more accomplished in my opinion. Unfortunately, our political system rewards style over substance. If I didn’t feel it so imperative to stop Hillary Clinton from getting the nomination I’d likely support Chris Dodd. But under the circumstances I’m left to choose between Obama and Edwards. There are positives in the biographies of both men.

Obama could have pursued a career as a corporate lawyer after Harvard Law School and dedicated himself to making money. Many in his position would’ve done exactly that. Instead he chose community activism. That impresses me.

As an Illinois state legislator, Obama skillfully navigated the complex web of race, entrenched power and ego that comprise Chicago politics to be an agent of pragmatic reform. It was there that Obama’s political persona was defined: he fights fire with water. That has translated into a presidential campaign of progressive advocacy with the soft rhetoric of unity.

In my blog writing I’ve occasionally referred to Obama as a “platitude machine” in frustration at his reluctance to forcefully indict the agents of corporatism and militarism that have plagued our country. Too often this year Obama appeared content to utter polite words about bringing everyone to the table under the mystical aura of bipartisanship.

Yet Obama has shown remarkable growth in recent weeks and found his voice. I am impressed at how he’s drawn distinctions without coming off as shrill. The fist in the velvet glove is a rare gift in politics and Obama seems to have it. He’s been especially effective at contrasting himself with Clinton’s institutional/machine oriented politics of restoration entitlement.

I also note that among Obama’s foreign policy advisors is former Bill Clinton National Security Advisor Tony Lake. Unlike other members of the Clinton Administration currently advising Senator Clinton, Lake opposed the war with Iraq from the beginning. And of course so did Obama himself.

For a time I was ready to jump on Obama’s bandwagon, excited at the prospect of his potential for knocking off Hillary Clinton. Also, symbolism does indeed matter in politics and statecraft. A dark skinned president named Barack Hussein Obama, with part of his childhood spent in Indonesia and possessing Kenyan ancestry is powerful. Domestically the very idea of a President Obama is unifying for a nation sundered by race and baby boomer culture wars. Moreover, Obama’s international profile offers the promise of helping America return to the community of civilized nations. The temptation to support him is almost irresistible and I was nearly seduced by it.

America however needs far more than what Obama offers. Class warfare waged from the top has metastasized under the Bush Administration and must be forcefully reversed. Yes, water is usually the best antidote for fire. But this moment in history requires someone willing to make an omelet by breaking some eggs.

Politics is a fight and the quest for fairness in our current gilded age won’t be accomplished without a determined struggle. Edwards as we all know rose from humble beginnings to take on predatory corporations in the courtroom and he won big. Whenever Republicans talk about tort reform it’s code, to prevent advocates such as John Edwards from helping regular folks against entrenched corporate power. The fact Edwards earned a fortune at the expense of predatory corporations only angers the predatory conservative establishment even more. Remember the plutocracy considered FDR a traitor to his class too.

As previously noted, Edwards is not a white knight. For much of 2007 I leaned toward Edwards but his original support of the Iraq War and dabbling in hedge funds bothered me. Was his apology for originally supporting it genuine or merely politically expedient? How can any of us really know? Politicians have a nasty habit of being chameleons as it suits them.

Yet even as politicians pander to win over a public more interested in Hollywood scandal then global warming, it is possible to identify a core in some of these people. Al Gore for example, was a tactile politician who could shift with the prevailing winds but believed and worked for reversing global warming before it was popular. And John Edwards has spent much of his adult life standing up for ordinary people against predatory corporate power. This is a man who remembers where he came from.

Some consider the John Edwards message one of anger and prefer the soothing rhetoric of Obama. I find the Edwards message empowering. As Paul Krugman wrote in today’s New York Times,

“There’s a fantasy, widely held inside the Beltway that men and women of good will from both parties can be brought together to hammer out bipartisan solutions to the nation’s problems.”

As we saw six years ago, even with no mandate, predatory conservatives had no interest in sensible bipartisan solutions. Instead they shamelessly exploited the symbols of patriotism and war to finance crony capitalism at the expense of consumers, small business owners and the very old and young. One can’t negotiate power with these people. Power must be taken from them. For the first time in a generation we have a window to facilitate a true progressive reformation if we’re willing to fight for it. We negotiate when we’re cutting our losses. We fight when we have hope. This blogger is opting for the audacity of hope and supporting John Edwards.