It was actually William Congreve, not William Shakespeare, who wrote, “Heav’n has no Rage, like Love to Hatred turn’d,
Nor Hell a Fury, like a Woman scorn’d.” But perhaps more appropriate to Joe Lieberman is the old proverb “la vengeance se mange très-bien froide.” In a move that Mario Puzo might have concocted, Holy Joe has gone all mavericky.
In a move that senior leadership aides say has left them stunned, Sen. Joe Lieberman (I-CT) has told Senate Majority Leader Harry Reid (D-NV) that he will filibuster a tentative public option compromise unless it’s stripped of its key component: a measure that would allow people aged 55-64 to buy insurance through Medicare.
The development casts substantial doubt on whether or not a health care reform bill can pass in the Senate, and even more doubt on whether a bill that does pass the Senate will be reconcilable with substantially more progressive House legislation in such a way that a final reform package can once again pass in both chambers of Congress.
Lieberman told Reid this afternoon, after a contentious appearance on Face the Nation, that he’s a “no” vote on the new compromise unless the Medicare buy-in is stripped, and he’s not even waiting for the CBO to weigh in–a move one leadership aide described as “extremely unfair.”
This also calls to mind the scene in The Big Lebowski where the Nihilists realize that they aren’t going to get the ransom money.
Walter Sobchak: No, without a hostage, there is no ransom. That’s what ransom is. Those are the fucking rules.
Nihilist #2: His girlfriend gave up her toe!
Nihilist #3: She thought we’d be getting million dollars!
Nihilist #2: Iss not fair!
Walter Sobchak: Fair! WHO’S THE FUCKING NIHILIST HERE! WHAT ARE YOU, A BUNCH OF FUCKING CRYBABIES?
Because, let’s face it, when the Democrats decided that Joe Lieberman was welcome back in the Caucus and that he could keep his Homeland Security and Defense Subcommittee chairs, they signaled that they believe in nothing. And if they promised Lieberman that they’d come back next week to cut off his johnson (should he cross them on procedural matters), it’s now apparent that Joe didn’t get the message. If the Democrats are holding Lieberman’s chairs hostage, he isn’t convinced they actually have the balls to pull the trigger. He’s effectively telling Harry Reid, “Toe? I can you get you a fucking toe, Dude. There are ways. You don’t want to know.” In other words, he’s calling the Democrats’ bluff.
In the category of serving revenge cold, Lieberman could hardly do better than to spike the health care reform effort at the last moment after keeping mum on the subject all summer and most of the fall. I particularly enjoyed this irony.
What makes the new turn even more outlandish in the eyes of leadership and others is that Lieberman ran for Vice President on a platform that included a Medicare buy-in for people not-yet eligible for the program.
Going back to October 27th, we can see that Reid never saw this coming.
Senate Majority Leader Harry Reid addressed a development, first reported by TPMDC, that Sen. Joe Lieberman (I-CT) will filibuster a health care bill if it includes a public option.
“Joe Lieberman is the least of Harry Reid’s problems,” Reid told reporters at his weekly press conference.
Maybe Lieberman doesn’t like hearing people refer to themselves in the third-person. But it’s more likely that he didn’t like seeing his threats casually dismissed. The more Lieberman saw the bloggers who went after him in 2006 insist on a public option, the more determined he became to ruin their day. Running progressive-group ads against him was obviously counterproductive, as I said last week.
I don’t think it was inevitable that Lieberman would take this position. But Harry Reid empowered him when he decided to put the public option in the base bill (and why did Reid feel that was necessary?). Lieberman was freed to oppose anything in the bill he doesn’t like without actually being responsible for killing health care reform. Had Reid just used the Snowe-trigger, the bill would have passed rather easily, and Lieberman wouldn’t be able to fight for changes in the Conference Report because there are no amendments allowed to a Conference Report. Now you know why I argued against going for a public option in the Senate’s base bill.
