I usually think Andy McCarthy is the dimmest bulb at the Weekly Standard, which is an accomplishment of sorts. But his little missive this morning is mostly accurate in the larger sense, even if it is wrong in many particulars. McCarthy argues that since the Democrats have already internalized that they are going to lose seats in November, they might as well pass a stronger bill.
Since the Dems know they will have to ram this monstrosity through, they figure it might as well be as monstrous as they can get wavering Democrats to go along with. Clipping the leadership’s statist ambitions in order to peel off a few Republicans is not going to work.
There is the barest hint of self-awareness here, as it finally begins to dawn on some Republicans that they could have cut a deal to get a less comprehensive outcome.
I’m glad Republicans have held firm, but let’s not be under any illusions about what that means. In the Democrat leadership, we are not dealing with conventional politicians for whom the goal of being reelected is paramount and will rein in their radicalism. They want socialized medicine and all it entails about government control even more than they want to win elections. After all, if the party of government transforms the relationship between the citizen and the state, its power over our lives will be vast even in those cycles when it is not in the majority. This is about power, and there is more to power than winning elections, especially if you’ve calculated that your opposition does not have the gumption to dismantle your ballooning welfare state.
Obviously, McCarthy describes a Democratic leadership more like we would wish for than that we actually have. But, he’s right about the hoped-for effect of creating access to health care for 30 million constituents. It’s not that we want to do anything radical, but giving people subsidies to buy health care does transform their relationship to the state, and that will have positive electoral consequences for Democrats in the same way that Democrats benefitted from the creation of Social Security and Medicare. The Republicans keep arguing that polls show that the people don’t want health care reform, but they don’t seem confident that the people will feel that way once they begin to benefit from those reforms.
This next bit strikes me as pretty ironic, as I kept waiting for the Republicans to moderate their positions in the 2006 and 2008 cycles, and it never happened.
Consequently, the next six weeks, like the next ten months, are going to be worse than we think. We’re wired to think that everyone plays by the ususal rules of politics — i.e., if the tide starts to change, the side against whom it has turned modifies its positions in order to stay viable in the next election. But what will happen here will be the opposite. You have a party with the numbers to do anything it puts its mind to, led by movement Leftitsts who see their window of opportunity is closing. We seem to expect them to moderate because that’s what everybody in their position does. But they won’t. They will put their heads down and go for as much transformation as they can get, figuring that once they get it, it will never be rolled back.
That’s the basic idea. That’s what we did under Roosevelt and what we did under Lyndon Johnson. That’s what we’d like to do now. The only quibble I have is that we’re not asking for this because we want or intend to lose any seats over it. I do expect to lose seats in November, but I expect to lose many more of them if reform fails. The stronger (more statist) the bill is, the fewer Democrats will be in trouble. I not only hope this, but polling consistently shows that a public option is vastly more popular than private insurance. If the Democrats pass this bill without a public option then the Republicans will pivot and argue that we’re limiting people’s freedom in an unconstitutional manner by mandating that they buy insurance from a private corporation. And they will get some mileage out of that argument precisely because people hate the insurance industry.
But, however you slice it, Democrats are trying to give people something they will like and benefit from, and they do expect that people will reward them for it for decades to come, just as they did after the New Deal. If only we could get the “leadership” to push for something more popular, we might just get our wish.
No.
No dickhead who can write stuff like “movement Leftists” should ever be taken seriously. If he sounds correct on this one issue it’s luck. Pat Buchanan makes sense once in a while too.
Well, I actually don’t mind his language since I can look past it. To me, what I call ‘progressive’ he calls ‘movement-Lefist.’ It’s not even as much of an insult as you might think, as he and all his pals are proud to call themselves ‘movement conservatives.’
He’s referring to the vanguard of the party, though, not the people who are actually running the show. Only Pelosi is progressive in the true sense of the word, and she has a raucous caucus that keeps her from going too far to the left.
Obama has progressive values built from a progressive world experience and culture, but his ideology rejects progressive strategies as they have evolved over the last forty years. He’s about outcomes, which requires him to work with what he’s got. So, he doesn’t speak a progressive language and he doesn’t look to move the Overton Window in some long-term ideological struggle. It can come off as centrism or a lack of leadership, and sometimes he does fail to push for and get obtainable outcomes.
In any case, he isn’t a movement leftist even if he agrees with progressives on most issues more than with other wings of the party.
I’m just glad that you read them so I don’t have to. They are stupid beyond belief.
It’s like most history does not exist to them, and that history that does exist they twist beyond recognition.
To look at the world the way they do you have to have no heart and no brain. Like the Scarecrow and the Tinman had babies. And the babies bred together and had babies.
nalbar
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(The Hill) – There is a growing sense among Democratic lawmakers that an effort should be made to include GOP proposals in healthcare reform legislation in the wake of Thursday’s summit.
This has given an opening to centrist Democrats who want to take on trial lawyers by reforming medical malpractice law. These centrists say that Republican policy makers have made a strong case for lawsuit reform and it would be in the best interests of healthcare reform to meet them part-way.
Speaker Nancy Pelosi (D-Calif.) said that Obama “has a vision and he wants to build consensus.”
Pelosi noted that Democrats spent weeks negotiating with Republicans on the Senate Finance Committee to reach a bipartisan agreement, adding that Obama “still has the door open to that.”
Rep. Rob Andrews (D-N.J.), who attended the White House summit, said negotiators should reconsider Republican proposals.
“I don’t think it’s time to forget about the Republicans, I think it is time to take all of the good ideas that came out of yesterday, whether they are from Republicans or Democrats, put them in a bill, put the bills out on the floor and take a vote.”
Several Democrats (Obama included) have pushed a plan to set up special health courts run by judges with medical expertise to replace jury trials to resolve malpractice lawsuits.
“The bipartisan trade-off in a viable healthcare bill is obvious: Combine universal coverage with malpractice tort reform in healthcare,” former Democratic Sen. Bill Bradley wrote in an op-ed for the New York Times last year.
"But I will not let myself be reduced to silence."
You want sense? Forget these Wellpoint pegboys and watch the real thing. Here’s the real last word on the whole healthcare reform battle. Olbermann goes long, but watch the whole thing and pass it on to every contact and every pol you can get it to. And revel in this reminder of how essential Olbermann can be when he gets past all the gimmicks and gotchas.
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LBJ applied the “Treatment,” cajoling, flattering and persuading the congressional leaders to move his bills forward.
Johnson, who was determined to pass the civil-rights law that had stalled in Congress for decades, knew it was fruitless to apply pressure to Southern senators in his own party. “I can’t make a Southerner change his spots,” he told one civil-rights leader, “any more than I can make a leopard change them.” To shut off the inevitable filibuster, Johnson needed Republican votes — especially the support of the Senate minority leader, Everett Dirksen of Illinois.
… Defending a key vote against the administration, Sen. Frank Church told the president that celebrated newspaper columnist Walter Lippmann had endorsed his views. “I’ll tell you what, Frank,” the president replied, “next time you want a dam in Idaho, you call Walter Lippmann and let him put it through for you.”
Lyndon Johnson's relationship with Congress allowed him
to pass the Civil Rights Bill in 1964. (Wikimedia Commons)
"But I will not let myself be reduced to silence."
The art of politics is really the art of trading. What was traded by LBJ for the civil rights bill was the foundation for the Republican party of racial hatred. Because the Republicans were the party of Lincoln that had ended slavery, `no self respecting white man would ever vote Republican’. LBJ handed the Republicans their southern strategy and said as much when he signed the bill. I remember I was quite happy to see these racists leave the Democrats over this but I had no idea there we so many of them.