Never Thought of That

A lot of people are talking about warming trends and chemical dispersants today, but try explaining this environmental news.

So far this year, Berlin has only had to pay out €130,000 for radioactive boar.

Why is the German government spending money on radioactive boar-meat? Are they trying to create some kind of pig-man? Well, no, actually it’s more complicated than that. A warming climate is apparently having a favorable effect on boar fertility, leading the German government to encourage boar-culling activities. However, due to fallout from Chernobyl, the 1986 nuclear disaster in Ukraine, much of the vegetation in Germany is radioactive. Boars are especially susceptible because truffles and mushrooms (boarian delicacies) soak up more radiation than other grazing materials.

Indeed, whereas radioactivity in some vegetation is expected to continue declining, the contamination of some types of mushrooms and truffles will likely remain the same, and may even rise slightly — even a quarter century after the Chernobyl accident.

“In the regions where it is particularly problematic, all boar that are shot are checked for radiation,” reports Andreas Leppmann, from the German Hunting Federation. There are 70 measuring stations in Bavaria alone.

How radioactive are these boar?

Many of the boar that are killed land on the plates of diners across Germany, but it is forbidden to sell meat containing high levels of radioactive caesium-137 — any animals showing contamination levels higher than 600 becquerel per kilogram must be disposed of. But in some areas of Germany, particularly in the south, wild boar routinely show much higher levels of contamination. According to the Environment Ministry, the average contamination for boar shot in Bayerischer Wald, a forested region on the Bavarian border with the Czech Republic, was 7,000 becquerel per kilogram. Other regions in southern Germany aren’t much better.

Germany’s Atomic Energy Law, which regulates the use of nuclear energy in the country, mandates that the government in Berlin pay compensation to hunters who harvest contaminated animals.

Someone needs to substantially update the Wiki on Chernobyl’s impact on flora and fauna.

Meanwhile, what’s on your plate?

Quote of the Day

From Steve Benen:

There’s still a temptation among many in the political/media establishment to pretend that congressional Republicans are a credible major-party caucus capable of problem-solving, creative solutions, and bipartisan compromise. I haven’t the foggiest idea why anyone would believe such a fanciful notion.

The next reporter who compares Mitch McConnell to Everett Dirksen, gets it in the head.

Why did Sheriff Joe Arrest Sal Reza Twice?

Look at this video and you will see a man standing by himself, doing nothing illegal than I can discern arrested by a bevy of Police dressed in riot gear, one of whom keeps his hand on his weapon at all times despite the absence of any angry mob or other threat of violence from a small group of protesters in Maricopa County, Arizona. The officers are all members of the Maricopa County Sheriff’s Office (MCSO) headed by the infamous Sheriff Joe Arpaio.

The man being arrested is Sal Reza, a human rights activist and one of the leaders of Puente, an organization which states the following about its mission on its web page:

NUESTRO PUENTE/BRIDGE IS A HUMAN RIGHTS MOVEMENT
That works to resurrect our humanity by teaching and learning to eradicate intolerance when it presents itself at individual, economic, political, social and religious settings affecting our daily existence.

PUENTE ADHERES TO THE PRINCIPLES OF NON-VIOLENCE
In harmony with nature. Through the energy of the movement transformed into actions we confront all forms of oppression. We gaze upon ourselves and the results of our actions as individuals, as a group, and as a conglomeration of families and organizations. We have come to the realization that disguised as migratory laws and regulations oppression reigns supreme and dehumanization is the resulting product.

This was Reza’s second arrest in two days. He was released Friday after being arrested for his non-violent protest against SB 1070. The second arrest is the one shown in the video above. According to the New Times blog (based in Phoenix) the following events occurred after his arrest to Senor Reza:

Reza said he was shocked by the arrest, which came without warning, just as he was about to leave for an interview.

“When I saw them coming, I thought they were coming for the people in the street,” he explained. “But then they just passed them and went for me.”

Regarding who actually ordered his arrest, Reza believes it was MCSO Deputy Chief Brian Sands,…

“It was Sands,” Reza contended. “Sands was in command.”

MSCO … hustled a cuffed Reza to a van, where he remained for hours by himself. At one point, the MCSO opened up the van to display Reza to photographers and journalists like a captured prisoner of war.

“If they can do this to me,” he told the reporters present before refusing interviews, “what do you expect they can do to anybody else.”

You know what was the worst thing about this arrest? The prosecutor admitted in open court that the MCSO had no probable cause that Sal Reza had committed any crime, and yet the Judge still refused to drop the charges against him.

(cont.)

Reza was transported to Fourth Avenue, booked, and forced to change into county stripes. As he was the night before, he was placed in solitary confinement. Reza said he was allowed no phone call, and there was no phone in the cell. He also stated that deputies never read him his Miranda rights.

At the arraignment hearing before the night court judge the county prosecutor admitted that in his view the alleged reason for the arrest (obstructing a judicial proceeding) not to did not rise to the level of probable cause:

“This is really my review,” he stated cautiously of a statement from the Maricopa County Sheriff’s Office before him. “I did not see that this rose to the level of probable cause.”

Reza’s attorney Robert Pastor immediately pounced.

“Your honor,” said Pastor, “I just heard the prosecutor tell the court that there’s not enough evidence here to suggest that Mr. Reza committed a crime. I ask that the charge be dismissed and he be released immediately.”

Of Reza’s bogus charge for “obstructing a judicial proceeding,” the judge herself seemed skeptical.

“I do not have enough information to find probable cause in this matter, sir,” she told the county attorney.

She declined to dismiss the charge, but she released Reza on his own recognizance and set his next court date for August 18.

Normally, when the prosecutor finds a lack of probable cause for an arrest he moves to have the charges dismissed or simply releases the arrested individual. Normally when a Judge hears a prosecutor make such an admission in open court and states that she herself had doubts that there was probable cause the the defendant before her committed any crime, the charges are dismissed.

But this is Maricopa County, Arizona where Sheriff Joe Arpaio, nationally known immigration opponent and a man who has been accused of using his office to commit numerous human rights violations in the past involving the Latino community has a great deal of power. Enough power to scare a prosecutor from following his conscience and releasing Mr. Reza for lack of probable cause for his arrest rather than forcing him to be brought before a Judge in the middle of the night. Enough power that the Judge herself, unable to find a probable cause basis for the arrest still refused to dismiss the charges the Sheriff’s Department brought against him.

In fact, Sheriff Arpaio has enough power to ignore the Federal District Court’s injunction of SB 1070 and continue with his “police sweeps” of various communities in his jurisdiction, arresting anyone who is Hispanic or has a Spanish surname or who cannot speak English well enough to satisfy the Sheriff’s satisfaction:

Typically, sweeps take place in neighborhoods that are predominantly Hispanic, or Arpaio will target businesses that depend on cheap labor: car washes, fast food restaurants, warehouses. Of course, the Sheriff’s public relations office (yes, he has one) always tells the media when and where sweeps will occur, so Joe can keep his mug in front of the camera — blabbering about the good job he’s doing protecting us from the kid who just vacuumed your car or sold you a Big Mac.

Here is a YouTube video of the tough guy’s recent sweep at Burlington Coat Factory, which is located in a large mall in Tempe. The action succeeded in shutting down a business for a half-day, scaring the heck out of employees and shoppers, and netting three immigrants (who had jobs and were going to school).

The video:

Yet these anti-immigration sweeps have been remarkably unsuccessful and costly to Maricopa County:

[Arpaio] has made headlines for more than two years with his controversial immigration sweeps, typically placing dozens of deputies in neighborhoods with large Hispanic populations and ordering them to stop anyone for any violation. […]

Though few law-enforcement officials will speak publicly about it, their records suggest an unwillingness to follow Arpaio’s lead. No other Arizona law-enforcement agencies have taken the same initiative Arpaio has in launching immigration sweeps.

Part of the reason is because there is no clear data demonstrating the crime-fighting effectiveness of such policies. While it succeeds in locating illegal immigrants, its effectiveness in combating major crimes is questionable, and there are concerns that such sweeps draw resources away from activities that do combat major crimes. […]

While Arpaio’s past 15 crime-suppression operations have captured a variety of criminals, the majority of offenders were booked for relatively minor offenses, an Arizona Republic review of crime data shows. For example, an April sweep caught 93 people, most of whom were snared either solely for immigration violations or for minor offenses. Only two violent offenders were arrested.

Arpaio’s deputies have arrested 932 people in their operations dating back to March 2008. Of those, 708 were suspected of being in the country illegally, according to the Sheriff’s Office. […]

[I]n April, Arpaio’s deputies returned to the familiar routine of concentrating on a particular part of town, this time west Phoenix. Records for that April raid show 29 of the 93 arrested were legal residents. Ten of those legal residents were fugitives arrested by the sheriff’s warrant unit as the operation began. […]

The notion of the sweeps returning to neighborhoods is troubling to some critics, who worry about legal residents being caught up in the raids.

Sergio Martinez-Villaman claims that happened to him in a June 2008 crime-suppression operation in Mesa.

Deputies stopped Martinez-Villaman for failing to use a turn signal, according to the sheriff’s records. They arrested him after they say he failed to show identification.

Before he was arrested, Martinez-Villaman, a Mexican citizen living legally in the U.S., claims he gave the arresting deputy various documents, including an Arizona ID card, proof of insurance, a passport and a visa, according to court records.

Martinez-Villaman was jailed and held for 13 days when he could not pay bond, court records say.

So why did the Maricopa County Sheriff’s Office (MCSO) arrest Senor Reza while he was standing peacefully by his car?

I think it was an attempt to intimidate protesters and gain publicity for himself and his police state methods. I think Senor Reza’s arrest was done as part of a continuing campaign by Arpaio to promote fear of Latinos, to promote Arpaio’s political agenda and very possibly help establish Arpaio as a viable candidate for a run at higher office in the future, whether as Arizona’s Governor or Senator.

I also think Reza’s arrest was done to humiliate and retaliate against a peaceful man who has called Arpaio out for his bigoted and questionable actions which arguably violate the civil rights of many Latino people residing in Maricopa County.

What do you think?

ADL Comes Out Against Ground Zero Mosque

Who would have guessed?

ADL Comes Out Against Ground Zero Mosque

Once a venerable if checkered organization at the forefront of fighting bigotry in general and anti-Semitism in particular in the US and Europe, the Anti-Defamation League under Abe Foxman has stooped to a new low and essentially acknowledged its support of Islamophobia, prejudice against Muslims.

The Anti-Defamation League came out against Ground Zero Mosque. So much for religious tolerance.
Says Wikipedia about the ADL,

Defending Other Religions

As its goal is to defend not only Jews, but also “all citizens alike and to put an end forever to unjust and unfair discrimination against and ridicule of any sect or body of citizens,” the ADL has periodically made statements against misrepresentations of other faiths.

From the Huffington Post coverage,

The Anti-Defamation League has joined the likes of Newt Gingrich, Sarah Palin, Rick Lazio, and a slew of other Conservative protesters in standing against the building of a mosque in the vicinity of the World Trade Center site.

In a statement issued by the Jewish organization, the group claims that while “proponents of the Islamic Center may have every right to build at this site, and may even have chosen the site to send a positive message about Islam,” it is ultimately “not a question of rights, but a question of what is right.”

Moreover, despite “the bigotry some have expressed in attacking” those behind the building of the mosque (which the ADL deems “unfair” and “wrong”), it is their judgment that “building an Islamic Center in the shadow of the World Trade Center will cause some victims more pain – unnecessarily – and that is not right.”

While the ADL rarely shies away from controversy, news of their opposition left many journalists and pundits stunned.

Other views from the story,

As Tablet’s Marc Tracy puts it: “Founded in 1913, the ADL, in its words, “fights anti-Semitism and all forms of bigotry, defends democratic ideals and protects civil rights for all.” Except when it does the precise opposite.” And, “We regard freedom of religion as a cornerstone of the American democracy, and that freedom must include the right of all Americans – Christian, Jewish, Muslim, and other faiths – to build community centers and houses of worship.” And, “We categorically reject appeals to bigotry on the basis of religion, and condemn those whose opposition to this proposed Islamic Center is a manifestation of such bigotry.”

(But, but, but…..)

….there are understandably strong passions and keen sensitivities surrounding the World Trade Center site. We are ever mindful of the tragedy which befell our nation there, the pain we all still feel – and especially the anguish of the families and friends of those who were killed on September 11, 2001..blah, blah, blah….

The controversy which has emerged regarding the building of an Islamic Center at this location is counterproductive to the healing process. Therefore, under these unique circumstances, we believe the City of New York would be better served if an alternative location could be found.

Here’ a comment  from Dan Stewart who got to the gist of it when he said,

“It is not news that the Abe Foxman’s ADL opposes building a mosque anywhere.

It would be simpler to just report that, “Abe Foxman’s ADL opposes anything that is not in complete sympathy with fanatical Zionism.”

Then report when there’s an exception. Now that would be news.”

It is safe to say, that the ADL should now be unequivocally grouped with American and European organizations like AIPAC, ZOA, AJC, the Israel Lobby in general, as a supporter of right wing Likud politics in Israel, the Greater Israel dream, anti-Islamism, anti-Palestinianism, and the voices that scream for an attack on Iran, hopefully by the US?

(copied from a comment on Booman’s feature on the topic: The Entitlement of Bigotry)

Is Dick Cheney Dying?

I had not realized this:

Former Vice President Dick Cheney is still in the hospital after heart surgery in early July.

Daughter Liz Cheney says her 69-year-old dad is out of intensive care and hopes to return home this week. She tells “Fox News Sunday” that he’s already planning trips for fly fishing and hunting later this year.

Dick Cheney has been in the hospital for almost a month. I know that his daughter Liz says he’s all spunky are raring to go fly fishing, but she has zero credibility. This doesn’t sound like a normal recovery. Something is definitely wrong with the former vice-president’s overall condition.

After the operation, Cheney said in a statement that he was entering a new phase of treatment for what he called “increasing congestive heart failure.”

There’s definitely something poetic about this next part:

Former Vice President Dick Cheney is recuperating from surgery to implant the kind of mechanical pump now being given to a small but growing number of people with heart failure so severe that they would most likely die within a few months without it.

The pumps are partial artificial hearts known as ventricular assist devices, and they come in various models. Mr. Cheney’s kind is about the size of a D battery and leaves most recipients without a pulse because it pushes blood continuously instead of mimicking the heart’s own pulsatile beat. Most such pulse-less patients feel nothing unusual. But they are urged to wear bracelets or other identifications to alert emergency room doctors as to why they have no pulse.

It’s creepy that a man so many see as undead now is surviving without a pulse. But, for how much longer?

Dr. Frazier said he had implanted a total of 170 such pumps as of June 1, more than any other surgeon. Of those, 24 were in patients 65 and older and 11 of the 24 were in patients older than 70. The oldest was 76. Nine of the 24 have died, and seven of the nine did not leave the hospital. Six of the 15 survivors received heart transplants. The remaining nine are living with the pump. The longest survivor at his hospital had an implant in his 30s and has lived five and a half years.

Maybe a heart transplant can still save his life. Many of us have been recommending that course for a decade or more now.

Bridging the Urban/Rural Divide: An Interview with Gary Paul Nabhan

In February 2010, writer Fred Bahnson interviewed Gary Paul Nabhan, a lecturer, food and farming advocate, folklorist, and conservationist who lives and farms in the U.S. Southwest. Nabhan discusses climate change, the links between scale and sustainability in food production, and the need to bridge the urban/rural divide in agriculture. Original published on the Worldwatch Institute’s Nourishing the Planet [www.NourishingthePlanet.com]
Bahnson: Tell me about your latest book, Where Our Food Comes From–Retracing Nikolay Vavilov’s Quest to End Famine. You went on quite an adventure to write this.

Nabhan: The book is about the centers of food diversity–to remind us that although we may want to eat local, we’re also indebted to farming cultures in other parts of the world, parts from which our major food crops were historically derived. Maintaining the diversity of these food crops, taking care of the hotspots of food diversity, and ensuring that the indigenous stewards of those areas maintain control of their arable lands is very, very important.

Nikolay Vavilov is one of my all-time heroes and perhaps the world’s greatest plant explorer. He was born in the 1890s, and about a century ago began to visit some 64 countries to document and gather seeds from those places. He built the first international seed bank–international in the sense that people from all countries had access to it and could draw seeds from it. Knowledge about those seeds came from the farmers in the countries of origin.

Ironically, the man who taught us the most about where our food comes from starved to death in the Soviet Gulag. Stalin needed someone to scapegoat for the famine in the early 1930s that killed 3 or 4 million people. The famine resulted from yield declines that happened after the collectivization of farms in the Soviet Union.

I’ve thought a lot about why Vavilov’s efforts failed. The political ecology of food production in Russia during that time was such that seed diversity alone could not revitalize agriculture. I think that’s true today, that seed diversity alone can’t make agriculture sustainable. You need diversity in the sizes of farms, diversity in the kinds of farmers we have, diversity in the scales of agricultural production, rather than just all small farms or all big factory farms.

In a totalitarian state, seed diversity isn’t enough to save agriculture. And I don’t mean just totalitarian states based in communism, but totalitarianism in places with capitalistic ideologies. Unless there’s a good match between food justice, food equity, and food diversity, the food system won’t be healthy.

B: Tell me about your travels to retrace Vavilov’s footsteps.

N: I got to go back to 15 of the 64 countries that Vavilov himself had collected seeds in, and see how the food diversity of those countries had changed in the intervening 75 years.

Let me first say that nearly all conservation planning, done by global conservation organizations like World Wildlife Fund, Conservation International, and The Nature Conservancy, is focused on hotspots of biological diversity, some of which we know are in rainforest areas. These are the places most Americans hear about. But what isn’t acknowledged is that many of these places, and what I witnessed in the 11 countries I visited on my trip, is that these hotspots of diversity are not necessarily wilderness landscapes. Many of them are cultural landscapes as well. They are places where indigenous people either manage wild vegetation that has wild relatives of crops embedded in it, or the wild species are still managed and protected in cultural landscapes, cultivated landscapes, in the tilled margins, or along fence rows and hedgerows. So there’s a compatibility–I wouldn’t say harmony because that’s a loaded term–between the wild biota and the agricultural diversity.

What struck me as I traveled from Ethiopia to Colombia to Kazakhstan to northern Italy to the Sierra Madre in Mexico is that people are active managers of biological diversity, and their traditions have helped maintain this diversity in place. If we remove the people from these areas and make these places into national parks where agriculture is not allowed or indigenous communities are evicted because they’re using resources that conservationists feel should be protected, that we’ll lose more than we gain. We are creating what Mark Dowie calls “conservation refugees.”

I’m very concerned that Americans understand that the maintenance of diversity on this planet cannot be done by evicting people from those rich habitat areas, but by empowering them to be good stewards of that diversity as they have been in the past.

B: One of the themes in your Vavilov book is that of food diversity as food security.

N: The definition of food security that I like most is “affordable access of culturally appropriate, nutritious foods to diverse populations.” From working on an earlier book, Why Some Like It Hot, about the relationships between food, genes, and cultural diversity, it’s clear that the reason why most diet plans fail to help everyone who tries them is that there’s no single silver-bullet diet that will serve the broad range of ethnic populations in the world. There is no magic diet, whether it’s the South Beach diet or the Andrew Weil diet.

It’s absurd to think that there would be a one-size-fits-all diet for a population that’s so genetically diverse in its nutritional needs. On top of that, some foods are considered culturally essential to people’s identity. Take for example the packets we sent off to Haiti to help earthquake victims: we think that by giving all people rice, crackers, applesauce, and cheese in a box, that this will satisfy their nutritional needs. What if they have lactose intolerance to milk products? What if they have allergies to certain grains? If we’re really moving toward food security, we have to supply food diversity.

B: It seems obvious that people have different cultural needs with certain foods, but it’s not obvious that people have different nutritional needs based on their ethnicity.

N: Most people in the world have lactose intolerance, and it’s only people of western and northern European ancestry who have lactose tolerance. In Why Some Like It Hot, I wrote that at least one-third of the world’s population, maybe as much as half, has gene-food interactions that make it difficult for them to eat certain foods–whereas other foods serve a protective function in their diet.

Mediterranean people, for example, have a food aversion to fava beans. Eating a small amount of dried fava beans served as protection from malaria, but eating green fava beans would often cause nutritional shock and even a toxicity called “favism.” Japanese and Native Americans typically have a higher intolerance to alcohol.

To some extent, food diversity is a key food justice and food security issue. I don’t think that groups like Slow Food or Community Food Security Coalition have yet focused on that to the extent that they should. The food diversity that we’re getting into local marketplaces is sort of icing on the cake.

In the U.S. Southwest, there is a movement to bring local farmer’s markets into low-income multicultural areas in the form of Food Mobiles. These areas have a high proportion of elderly people who want to buy fresh food, but they can’t get out to the farmer’s market. So this Food Mobile, a sort of “book mobile” of food diversity, comes right to their neighborhoods. I think the real way to deal with food deserts, which unfortunately occur where we have a lot of immigrant and low-income populations, including refugees, is to provide means of giving them food options at an affordable price. These food mobiles are one way to do it.

B: Talk about how climate change factors into food discussions.

N: I prefer not to use the term “climate change,” but instead to talk about “climate uncertainty.” This may not be unidirectional. All places may not warm or get drier. There are quite a few variations in the effects of the global processes that it appears we’re going to suffer from. Honoring that there’s uncertainty is important.

“I think more than ever before in American history, we need to heal that urban/rural divide and increase dialog so that consumers and producers are working together toward the same goals,” says Nabhan.

But if we’re trying to protect and revitalize heritage foods, with the place-based heirloom vegetables and heritage breeds of livestock, those heritage breeds will not necessarily be grown in the same places 100 years from now. One scientist, Greg Jones, predicts that 85 percent of the grape varietals in places like Napa Valley will not be able to be grown there under optimum conditions by 2050. Weather shifts will clearly scramble the relationships between place, crop genetics, and cultural traditions over the next 50 years. We need to think about our food traditions and our farming traditions in a much more dynamic way than we previously have.

B: What do you think will happen by 2050 if we continue on the track we’re on in terms of conventional agriculture. Will it even be possible to grow the kind of vast monocultures that we currently grow?

N: Recently, I’ve been swayed by the thinking of Alan Nation, who runs a little journal for pasture-based livestock producers called The Stockman Grass Farmer. Alan says that there are economies of scale for large agriculture and large food-distribution systems, and another economy of scale for artisanal production that goes into local food systems. What’s really at stake is that “agriculture-of-the-middle.” We don’t know which way it’s going to go. We may still produce some grains on a large scale in 2050 and see them distributed extra-regionally; we still may see that the maple syrup production of Vermont is always sold outside of Vermont.

I don’t think the issue has ever been “make agriculture 100 percent local.” The issue is about capturing economies of scale, transparency, and traceability by increasing the quality and accessibility of foods that should be produced at a local scale and trying to improve the sustainability of the larger- and middle-scale agriculture as well. In other words, if “sustainability”–whatever that term means–is only something that small farmers care about, and we don’t set standards for mid-scale and large-scale agriculture, assuming that it’s just going to go away, then we’re making a mistake.

I think much of the effort in innovation has been in smaller-scale agriculture to make it sustainable. Some of that may be the incubators for what is carried over to the bigger farms. At another level, some solutions to sustainability are scale-dependent. Rather than antagonizing mid-scale and large-scale agriculturalists, agricultural activists need to figure out a way to help them with problem-solving that needs to be done. I’m not endorsing large-scale feedlots or large-scale apple farms, but I’m also not so naïve to think that great agriculture is all going to done on 50-acre farms.

B: But isn’t there a point at which farms become too big, when they collapse under their own weight?

N: Yes, and that’s what I mean by “economies of scale.” With cereal grains, for instance, if the farm is too small you lose efficiency, both ecological and energetic. But if it’s too big you also put it at risk, and part of that risk we’ve seen is for pests and diseases to evolve quicker than we can put resistance to those things into our crops. We’re facing large-scale crop failures from Kenya to Ethiopia and into the Saudi Peninsula for wheat due to a rust epidemic because people planted just a few varieties over an enormously large scale.

My point is the same as yours–agriculture that is too big is already moving toward collapse; but it’s also true that there is some optimal scale there for some kind of production, whether its cereals of beans or something else. We shouldn’t become so fundamentalist about local foods that we think they will fulfill all niches of the food system.

What I’d rather see is fair trade between regions for certain things. We think “fair trade” only applies to coffee; but we need to have fair trade apples, too. I’d like to see farmers in the Southeast swap their black-eyed peas and crowder beans with fishermen in the Pacific Northwest for their salmon.

One important point I’d like to make is that it’s very important for food activists at every point of their lives to be food producers as well, on whatever scale. I don’t think I could be a valid voice on these issues unless I “walked the taco,” as we say in the Southwest. I’m spending this next weekend putting in an orchard of 25 fruit-tree varieties, plus crops like asparagus, rhubarb, and prickly pear. In a few more weeks I’ll plant annual crops beneath those.

The point is that agricultural science and agricultural activism have become too distant from the needs of farmers and other food producers. The only way to heal the urban/rural divide that we have in this country is for more interplay, more inner-city people to be growing food on rooftops and patios, going out to work on farms during the weekend, and to have farmers in dialogue with consumers so that farmers understand why people want animal-welfare beef, or grassfed lamb, or free-range turkeys. We’ve broken that dialogue. Very few urban people regularly have access to knowing what farmers and ranchers are struggling with. There’s been an unfortunate polarization that’s happened as a result of movies like Fast Food Nation and Food, Inc. that make it sounds like consumers are the enemy of farmers and ranchers. We need those two groups in dialogue with each other rather than seeing more drift.

I’m working now with ranchers on something called “The Next Frontier.” It’s a coalition of farming and ranching groups in the West. We’re trying to get farmers incentives for innovative stewardship practices, and for maintaining ecological services such as pollination, watershed health, and soil erosion control. With less than 1.5 percent of Americans self-identifying as farmers or ranchers, the food producers of this country will lose every policy battle in land use planning, in food safety, and other policy domains if they don’t embrace dialogue with urban residents who care about the quality and health of their food.

I think more than ever before in American history, we need to heal that urban/rural divide and increase dialogue so that consumers and producers are working together toward the same goals. That means redoing our education system. Nearly every student that comes into state universities–with the exception of colleges like Warren Wilson, Berea, and Green Mountain–is told that if you want to be an educated person, you should not become a farmer. We basically educate people to get off the land instead of teaching them to be good stewards of the land.

B: Do you think we need more farmers?

N: I think we need a lot more farmers. We’ve broken the chain of orally transmitted traditional knowledge that’s been passed down for 8,000 years among farmers. You can’t learn to farm just from textbooks. Some of the mistakes I’ve made raising sheep are due to my not having access to my grandfather’s knowledge of raising sheep. Had I had him teaching me, I probably wouldn’t have made those mistakes.

B: How did you get interested in food as your life’s work? Did that come from your Lebanese heritage?

N: I grew up in an extended clan of Lebanese immigrants on the Indiana dunes, on the shores of Lake Michigan about 35 miles outside Chicago. My grandfather was a fruit peddler, he had a fruit truck, and he would come home and tell us what the day had been like, whether people had bought more of one variety of plums over the other, whether they were buying bruised fruit or rejecting it, and he also exchanged fruit for fish with a bunch of Swedish fishermen along the shores of Lake Michigan.

He was adamant about the quality of fruit; he would talk about it to me when I was four-years old as if I were his business partner, saying “people just don’t understand the quality of fruit anymore.” I think there was this quality of food, much of it coming from only 30 miles away, that was a special thing. We seasonally moved from food to food because that was what made the year interesting.

When I went to school for college and lived in a city, I actually lost weight because I couldn’t stomach the homogeneous food. Later, when I started working as an intern at the first Earth Day headquarters, then afterward began a career as an environmental scientist and activist, I was struck that food issues were not important to environmentalists. The issues were about wilderness or urban contamination and not much about the quality of our landscape shift in rural areas.

I would say that environmental activists were more concerned about saving national parks and wilderness areas and stopping urban contamination and less about the quality of life on private lands. Fortunately, many of us started reading Aldo Leopold, who said to pay as much attention to conservation and biodiversity on private lands as you do on public lands. That really shaped my thinking.

I am inherently curious about comparing how people manage their land and eat from it in different cultures, particularly desert cultures. When I first went to Lebanon, to my grandfather’s village, in the early 90s and saw how land was managed there, the different vegetable and fruit varieties, the heritage breeds of lamb and goats, it really gave me a portfolio of ideas to adapt to the desert place where I live today. By spending time immersed in another culture, particularly a habitat or landscape similar to the one you live in, you see how people have problem-solved. I’m interested in how people have used local biodiversity and nested it in their farmlands and orchards and kitchen gardens in their particular climate to create a soil-based carbon-neutral food system.

One of the things in the Middle East in which I’ve been very interested, for example, is the water-harvesting traditions, especially those that don’t rely on pumping fossil ground water, and how those techniques can be incorporated into mid-scale water harvesting regimes to grow food in the arid West of the United States. We need to understand that we have entered a post-peak fossil ground water era, and that’s just as important as understanding that we’ve entered a post-peak fossil fuel era.

B: But isn’t water primarily an issue in the American West?

N: It’s not an exclusively Western issue. We have groundwater contamination, saltwater intrusion, and groundwater overdraft in many other parts of the country, not just the arid West. And because much of our winter food in the U.S. comes from Arizona and California, groundwater problems should be a concern to anyone in North America who eats.

B: What are some specific techniques in water harvesting and sustainable farming that you brought back from Lebanon?

N: I’ll talk more broadly about the Middle East as a whole. They do multiple strata gardening and farming where they grow date palms and olive trees as an overstory crop, then grow more heat-sensitive fruits like apricots and peaches sheltered under that, and under that they’ll grow onions, shallots, artichokes, rhubarb, and grapes and such. They often have a three- or four-tiered system on the same piece of land. In a high solar environment with a lot of heat it’s very important to get the crops in the right temperature range for fruit to ripen, but it also makes very efficient use of water.

The second thing is that they use systems called ganads. These systems funnel either shallow artesian springs or catch water off slickrock and funnel them into community irrigation systems that are communally managed. Unlike the American West, it’s not every man for himself trying to obtain the maximum amount of water, but is rather a community rationing of available rainfall and artesian springwaters. Some of these systems have lasted for 1,000 or even 1,400 years without salination or depletion or contamination.

Nearby, within 20 miles, you can see failed irrigation projects where international development groups have perforated the groundwater, salinized the soil, and ushered in saltwater incursion from the coast. These were multi-million dollar investments that went belly up within 20 years. Juxtapose those with the ganad systems that have been stable for 1,400 years.

B: What are your thoughts on the competing ideas of abundance versus scarcity with food production? The whole Green Revolution approach to food is predicated upon an idea of scarcity, therefore we must produce as much food as we possibly can. And yet your work seems to be about fostering an abundance that’s already there in nature.

N: That’s an interesting way to put it. There are two thoughts I’ve had lately. One thought arose when I went out with a rancher about three weeks ago, who took me and the dean of the College of Agriculture at the University of Arizona out to his plots. We were standing out in his pasture, and he said, “I want a science of limits.” There were some things he could do to pump up the productivity of this semi-arid rangeland. But to some extent, especially in a highly arid climate with a great amount of uncertainty because of climate variability, the most important thing for him to do was to manage his land within the limits of what it could naturally produce each year. And he said, “I spend hours and hours each month monitoring this ecosystem’s health. And I don’t push that health past its breaking point. So we need a science and an ethic of limits.”

This rancher made a plea to reincorporate a land ethics course into the College of Agriculture, so that every agriculture and natural resources scientist would have to have this knowledge. We call those people Doctors of Philosophy, but virtually no PhD in the natural sciences anymore has ever had an ethics or philosophy course. I think building a land ethic course into every science curriculum in the country is key. We need a science that understands scarcity and abundance and limits, not like the old Leibniz Law of the Minimum where limits are thought of in a merely quantitative, reductionistic way, but in all the dimensions.

The second thing is that some people have examined the empty calories in our current diet and have said “yes, we produce more food, but its mostly empty calories.” And these folks have come up with a wonderful concept called nutritional density, measured in per-unit weight or per meal. We’re not talking about whether or not a particular food satisfies the minimum daily requirements or whether we can produce 3,000 pounds of corn per acre, what we’re talking about is the density or richness in a particular food in terms of nutrients.

Yield alone as a measure of abundance doesn’t tell us much. What really tells us a lot is whether or not we’re getting micro and macro nutrients, not just calories, and whether that food is satisfying to us.

On our land in southern Arizona, we’re putting in an orchard of ancient desert fruits. My goal is to first increase the water-holding capacity and nutrient abundance of the soil by using terra preta, or biochar. I’m also adding pottery shards and mulch from nitrogen-fixing legume trees that naturally occur on the land, and then, like Joel Salatin says, “stacking” food resources in the same ecosystem so I’m doing a multi-strata orchard of desert-adapted foods that partition the sunlight and water rather than one crop like sugar cane sucking all the water and nutrients out of the soil. Some of the plants I’ve planted are there to regenerate and give back nutrients to make up for the nutrients I’m taking.

At a certain point I regret that, around 1982, we didn’t go with the term regenerative agriculture but instead chose sustainable agriculture. The “S” word has become so hollow and distorted that it’s allowed people to greenwash their business with it. Bob Rodale at the Rodale Institute, one of the godfathers of the organic movement, encouraged Wes Jackson and Wendell Berry and I to use the term regenerative agriculture, and I think he was right. That would have been a much better term by which to measure the success of our own stewardship practices.

What If the Republicans Win the House?

I don’t like to even think about what the next Congress will be like if the Republicans take over the House. How many of the mistakes they made in 1995 will be repeated? Will they shut the government down again? Will they harass the president with baseless investigations? Will they initiate impeachment hearings on flimsy or delusional evidence? Will the president ever sign a bill again? Will the Republicans avoid repeating certain mistakes, having learned the lessons of the recent past?

It’s impossible to know all the answers to these questions. The specter of impeachment hangs in the air, but its probability appears quite low. A government shutdown, on the other hand, would appear hard to avoid. And there’s no question that the Committee on Oversight and Investigations, now chaired by Rep. Darrell Issa of California, would begin sending subpoenas to the White House by the truckload.

On one level, things would be considerably worse than in 1995. Then, as now, there was a certain unarticulated rage at Washington, particularly around the budget deficit. Then, as it would be now, the freshman class of Republicans was filled with ideological purists pledged to make no compromise as they went about slashing cherished government programs. A Speaker Boehner would have the same problem that Speaker Gingrich faced in reining in his base and actually passing anything resembling a federal budget. But back then the Republicans had some actual policy objectives in common with the president (like Welfare Reform and deregulation) and they had some ideas (like term limits) to address that unarticulated rage. To a certain degree, after a year of brutal turbulence, Gingrich and Clinton were able to meet in the middle. I don’t see how, or on what issues, that could happen this time.

When a party sweeps into power on a political wave, it normally has some momentum for some kind of legislative action, but the Republicans haven’t presented realistic ideas that poll well with the American public. If they win big in November, their only mandate would be to prevent the government from passing any more bills. If the Senate fell as well, Obama would need an industrial-size fan to keep his veto pen cool. Otherwise, the Senate would increase its present practice of ignoring 95% of what the House does.

The Republicans’ prospects of winning back the White House don’t look very good at the moment, largely because they don’t have any obvious candidates that have what it takes, but also because winning a Republican primary in this environment appears to be an exercise in extremism. But their chances will get decidedly worse if a little air gets let out of the progressive balloon this November. It’s really unprecedented for a party to win four straight election cycles, so the Democrats would benefit from some minor losses that don’t severely impact their ability to govern. A House takeover, however, could set the stage for another, much bigger Democratic wave election 2012. A Republican House will reunite and reenergize the progressive base, rally all non-whites to the Democratic side, set the Establishment media (and the Establishment itself) firmly in Obama’s camp, and set the Republican nominee up for historic failure.

Having said that, I don’t want to live through the intervening turbulence and unpleasantness. I still hope we can lance this boil rather than seeing it rupture like an infected pustule all over our political culture.

Henri Tajfel and Social Categories – Bigotry and Prejudice

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Man’s human instinct to belong to a group and urge to feel superior to others is manifest in a number of studies I found on the Internet … it’s always used by dictators and fascist regimes like Hitler and the Nazi’s. Exploit human nature for political gain.

Henri Tajfel and his minimal groups experiments

Henri Tajfel is perhaps best known for his minimal groups experiments. In these studies, test subjects were divided arbitrarily into two groups, based on a trivial and almost completely irrelevant basis. Participants did not know other members of the group, did not even know who they were, and had no reason to expect that they would interact with them in the future. Still, members of both groups began to identify themselves with their group, preferring other members of their group and favoring them with rewards that maximized their own group’s outcomes.

Subsequently, Tajfel and his student John Turner developed the theory of social identity. They proposed that people have an inbuilt tendency to categorize themselves into one or more ingroups, building a part of their identity on the basis of membership of that group and enforcing boundaries with other groups.

Social identity theory suggests that people identify with groups in such a way as to maximize positive distinctiveness; groups offer both identity (they tell us who we are) and self-esteem (they make us feel good about ourselves). The theory of social identity has had a very substantial impact on many areas of social psychology, including group dynamics, intergroup relations, prejudice and stereotyping, and organizational psychology.

The papers of Henri Tajfel (1919-1982), the Bristol University Professor of Social Psychology

  • Human Groups and Social Catagories [pdf]

    "But I will not let myself be reduced to silence."