Trump Makes Racist Attack on Federal Judge

I don’t know a whole lot about Judge Gonzalo Curiel, who serves on the District Court for the Southern District of California, but I can surmise some things from his Wikipedia page. I see that he was born in East Chicago, Indiana, and that he received undergraduate and law degrees from the University of Indiana. I can see that he served as an Assistant United States Attorney in the Southern District of California from 1989 to 2002, which makes it appear that he was appointed to this position by President George Herbert Walker Bush. I see that he served as an Assistant D.A. for the Central District of California from 2002 to 2006, which means he was reassigned during the Presidency of George Walker Bush. I see that he was elected to the Superior Court of San Diego in 2007, during the governorship of Arnold Schwarzenegger.

There’s not much in that biography to suggest that Judge Curiel is a partisan Democrat, nor that he is some typical Southern California Mexican-American who might be unnaturally offended by Donald Trump’s plan to build a wall on the Mexican border to keep out the rapists. It’s true that President Obama nominated him to the federal district court in 2012, but it’s also true that his nomination was confirmed unanimously and uncontroversially in a Senate voice vote.

The reason Judge Curiel is in the news today is because he’s presiding over a civil suit against Donald Trump and the fake university Trump set up to defraud people out of tens of thousands of dollars each in return for run of the mill real estate investment advice, and because Trump just devoted twelve minutes of a speech he delivered in San Diego to what amounted to an “extended tirade” against the judge.

Mr. Trump’s attack on U.S. District Judge Gonzalo Curiel was extraordinary not just in its scope and intensity but for its location: Before a crowd packed into a convention center here that had been primed for the New York billionaire with a warm-up speech from former Alaska Gov. Sarah Palin.

“I have a judge who is a hater of Donald Trump, a hater. He’s a hater. His name is Gonzalo Curiel,” Mr. Trump said, as the crowd of several thousand booed. “He is not doing the right thing.”

The most disturbing thing about Trump’s verbal assault was the racial component.

“We’re in front of a very hostile judge,” Mr. Trump said. “The judge was appointed by Barack Obama, federal judge. Frankly, he should recuse himself because he’s given us ruling after ruling after ruling, negative, negative, negative.”

Mr. Trump also told the audience, which had previously chanted the Republican standard-bearer’s signature “build that wall” mantra in reference to Mr. Trump’s proposed wall along the Mexican border, that Judge Curiel is “Mexican.”

“What happens is the judge, who happens to be, we believe, Mexican, which is great. I think that’s fine,” Mr. Trump said.

Trump went on to attack Judge Curiel’s integrity:

“I think Judge Curiel should be ashamed of himself,” Mr. Trump said. “I’m telling you, this court system, judges in this court system, federal court, they ought to look into Judge Curiel. Because what Judge Curiel is doing is a total disgrace, OK?”

What had Judge Curiel done to arouse Trump’s wrath? He recently agreed to delay the trial until late November, after the voters will have gone to the polls, so he hadn’t tried to use the trial to damage Trump’s prospects of becoming president. Yet, on the same day he was personally attacked, the Judge ordered the unsealing of “a series of internal Trump University documents that Trump’s lawyers asked be kept from the public.” In fact, while the order wasn’t issued until a few hours after the Trump’s speech, the hearing on the motion to unseal them was occurring while Trump spoke. It’s not clear if the judge was even aware of Trump’s remarks when he made his ruling.

What is clear is that Trump made a nakedly racist appeal in a border city against a Latino judge in order to cast doubt on the integrity of that judge and of our entire federal legal system. And he did it to shield himself from accountability for committing what appears to be blatant fraud.

This is despicable on so many levels that it’s hard to know where to begin.

Australian Journalist John Pilger on this Memorial Day

John Pilger, an Australian journalist, has written for Telesur on “Silencing the United States as It Prepares for War”.  He frames it as a Memorial Day piece.

“We lost 58,000 young soldiers in Vietnam, and they died defending your freedom. Now don’t you forget it.” So said a National Parks Service guide as I filmed last week at the Lincoln Memorial in Washington. He was addressing a school party of young teenagers in bright orange T-shirts. As if by rote, he inverted the truth about Vietnam into an unchallenged lie.

The millions of Vietnamese who died and were maimed and poisoned and dispossessed by the American invasion have no historical place in young minds, not to mention the estimated 60,000 veterans who took their own lives. A friend of mine, a marine who became a paraplegic in Vietnam, was often asked, “Which side did you fight on?”

The vague repetition of “Support the troops.” and “Support veterans.” and “They died for your freedom.” is beginning to royally piss me off this year.  It is an enforced loyalty without human content.

I know of the person behind one name on the Vietnam Wall.  A classmate of mine in freshman honors chemistry and math, an engineering student, Army ROTC unlike my Air Force ROTC.  ROTC was mandatory in 1964-66 at Clemson University, a legacy of its 1890s establishment as a military land grant university; Southern agricultural and technical universities were like that. I found out about his death by searching who of my college classmates listed in their “Roll of Honor” I recognized. Most were from after I transferred to Johns Hopkins; I recognized none from there.  So who is it that I personally remember this day.  One random affable guy who occasionally was in a homework group for this subject or another.  And who was forgotten until his name popped up on a deliberate search for that information.

Veterans of Vietnam, that’s different.  An old friend was an MP, wrote his war memoir a decade ago. His biggest stories were about arranging his assignment away from the hot areas, one area as an MP whose squad apparently had a protection racket on brothels so they could get free sex.

Another friend survive his tour as point on patrols.  His memory. I was scared shitless the whole time.  When the first round came of a fight I was first on the ground. Damn lucky there was no booby trap where I landed.  No doubt he now is one of the ones strutting in camos and his old pins.

A third was assigned as a cook in the Saigon officers mess.  He saw what the generals were eating while his buddies out in the field were eating K-rations (I think I’ve got the right era).  He was one angry guy about the war.

Those are the folks I remember this memorial day from the Vietnam War.

My dad, after classification finished with him, worked in classification in Santa Monica CA for most of the war.

His brother served in the US Navy on the island of Fernando de Naronha off the Brazilian coast.

My father-in-law was an MP in the Pacific. At the end of the war, he was stationed on Tinian, in the squad guarding the first atomic weapons.  Prior to that, duty was guarding Japanese prisoners of war.

All survived the war.

My grandfather enlisted in the Spanish-American War and was sick for most of the very short campaign.

I have to go back to the Civil War to find one of the dead in either side of my family. My great-great grandfather was captured at Spotsylvania Court House by United States troops, transported to Elmira NY and died of dysentery at a prison camp that was beset with the same problems as Andersonville GA.

I don’t think any of them though they were “fighting for freedom”, for country maybe. Most all of them were drafted.  The acquaintance from Clemson was fulfilling the ROTC contract that paid for his last two years of college.

And then there was my friend who was drafted, yes drafted, into the US Marine Corps in 1968.  He spent his tour at a desk in Camp LeJeune NC.

Think there’s a reason why we are prodded to remember generic warriors rather than real ones?

But that is where Pilger starts.  And pivots to what we refuse to remember on Memorial Day or any other day.

The 2016 election campaign is remarkable not only for the rise of Donald Trump and Bernie Sanders but also for the resilience of an enduring silence about a murderous self-bestowed divinity. A third of the members of the United Nations have felt Washington’s boot, overturning governments, subverting democracy, imposing blockades and boycotts. Most of the presidents responsible have been liberal – Truman, Kennedy, Johnson, Carter, Clinton, Obama.

Only because the remainder–Eisenhower, Nixon, Reagan, Bush, Bush–are one less than the “most”.  How wide do you want to open that frame? All the way to Jefferson’s invasion of the shores of Tripoli?  For now, let’s argue that all of the post-World War II administrations have been that way.

James Bradley, the best-selling author of Flags of Our Fathers and son of one of the US marines who raised the flag on Iwo Jima, said, “[One] great myth we’re seeing play out is that of Obama as some kind of peaceful guy who’s trying to get rid of nuclear weapons. He’s the biggest nuclear warrior there is. He’s committed us to a ruinous course of spending a trillion dollars on more nuclear weapons. Somehow, people live in this fantasy that because he gives vague news conferences and speeches and feel-good photo-ops that somehow that’s attached to actual policy. It isn’t.”

As his term winds down, Obama is looking like a Harry Truman national security President.  Not having any experience in foreign policy himself before taking office, having only a short time in the US Senate being exposed to foreign policy hearings and legislation, he did what most Presidents in his position did: he sought out people in the national security apparatus that he could trust, appointed those who drew consensus approval, and kept close those who performed to his satisfaction.  Like Truman, he faced a hostile and jingoistic Congress–and not just the Republicans–exactly what Truman faced.

On Obama’s watch, a second cold war is under way. The Russian president is a pantomime villain; the Chinese are not yet back to their sinister pig-tailed caricature – when all Chinese were banned from the United States – but the media warriors are working on it.

Neither Hillary Clinton nor Bernie Sanders has mentioned any of this. There is no risk and no danger for the United States and all of us. For them, the greatest military build-up on the borders of Russia since World War Two has not happened. On May 11, Romania went “live” with a Nato “missile defence” base that aims its first-strike American missiles at the heart of Russia, the world’s second nuclear power.

Victoria Nuland was the author of the European-Eurasian policy, marking a turn from using the National Security Council to using the desks at the State Department to guide policy.  Both Clinton, as Secretary of State, and Obama, as President, signed off on the actions taken in Ukraine and in diplomacy with Russia.  In fact, the new hard line has complicated and in some instances made silly our policy with regard to eliminating Daesh/ISIS/ISIL and our policy towards a post-Iran-agreement Iran.

Pilger continues about the US strategy of encircling Eurasia.

As a direct consequence, China reportedly has changed its nuclear weapons policy from no-first-use to high alert and put to sea submarines with nuclear weapons. The escalator is quickening.

Did you know about China’s change in policy?

Pilger recounts the standard litany of Clinton’s foreign policy experience.  Someone check this please. What did Clinton’s tenure as Secretary of State succeed at?

The election of Trump or Clinton is the old illusion of choice that is no choice: two sides of the same coin. In scapegoating minorities and promising to “make America great again,” Trump is a far right-wing domestic populist; yet the danger of Clinton may be more lethal for the world.

“Only Donald Trump has said anything meaningful and critical of US foreign policy,” wrote Stephen Cohen, emeritus professor of Russian History at Princeton and NYU, one of the few Russia experts in the United States to speak out about the risk of war.

Stephen Cohen knows the region well from the Cold War, but “Donald Trump has said” is pretty thin soup for a meal.

Pilger quotes Cohen offering questions that Trump has asked:

[W]hy is the United States “everywhere on the globe?”

What is NATO’s true mission?

Why does the US always pursue regime change in Iraq, Syria, Libya, Ukraine?

Why does Washington treat Russia and Vladimir Putin as an enemy?

Those are important questions that must be asked of all three candidates–of Sanders only to see if there is any daylight there between him and Clinton and Trump multiple times to get the sample set of his views.

The hysteria in the liberal media over Trump serves an illusion of “free and open debate” and “democracy at work.” His views on immigrants and Muslims are grotesque, yet the deporter-in-chief of vulnerable people from America is not Trump but Obama, whose betrayal of people of colour is his legacy: such as the warehousing of a mostly black prison population, now more numerous than Stalin’s gulag.

Trump as continuity, and Clinton?  This really goes to the power of the Congress to screw people.  And what fights Obama chose to fight.

Pilger compares Obama’s establishment Democratic policies with Blairism.  Clintonism certainly will tend in the direction of their good friend Tony Blair.  They headed similar political movements.

That way, you stop the monster and preserve a system gagging for another war.

That is, voting for the Democratic candidate–in Pilger’s opinion, as surely as voting for LBJ in 1964 was voting for escalation of the Vietnam War.

The best way to honor the dead and remember the veterans is to have no more wars.

When will the US look in the mirror?

What if HRC doesn’t win Calif ?

Recent polling casts doubt on the one time sure thing.

Public Policy Institute of California-
Registered Democrats, HRC over Sanders- 49% to 41%

When including independents or, “… likely Democratic voters. Clinton had 46% support, Sanders had 44%, and the margin of error was plus or minus 5.7 percentage points. “
http://www.latimes.com/politics/la-pol-sac-essential-politics-california-polls-clinton-sanders-democ
ratic-primary-htmlstory.html

Independents and Democrats, just the mix needed to win the General Election in California.

So the question becomes, what will happen if Sanders wins Calif?  I know, each will get a proportional share of delegates, but psychologically and politically, what will be the action in the Convention?  Just shrug?  I doubt it. She will be severely weakened by a 74 yr old Jewish Socialist. Think what could happen with a 60+ yr old semi-fascist.

In previous threads I suggested that the Super Delegates will have a Road to Damascus moment as to HRC as the Party’s standard bearer.  Will they shift to Sanders?  Unlikely.  Will they impose a vice president on Hillary that will attract Sanders voters and give them (her) a real portfolio of responsibility in the Admin?  That sounds more like it.  

Whatever happens, the convention and supers can not ignore the fact that Hillary couldn’t win the country’s largest state in her own primary.  I think Clinton campaign would throw anyone under the bus to get out of Philadelphia alive.

Ridge

Saturday Painting Palooza Vol.563 & Old Time Froggy Botttom Cafe & Art Gallery

Hello again painting fans.

This week I will be continuing with the Victorian mansion.  I am using the photo seen directly below.  I’ll be using my usual acrylic paints on an 5×7 inch canvas.

When last seen, the painting appeared as it does directly below.

Since that time I have continued to work on the painting.

Starting at the top, I have painted part of the gable detail seen directly above the front door.  (Above the section adjacent to the white wing.  Moving down, the foundation has been straightened and shadows added.  The shadows are consistent with the architecture above.  Finally, on either side, the shrubs to the far rear have been completed.  With these changes the painting is now completed.

 
The current and final state of the painting is seen in the photo directly below.

I’ll have a new painting to show you next week. See you then.

Earlier paintings in this series can be seen here.

 

The Next Revolution: War On Inequality

Don’t miss the event … all signs are pointing towards the inevitable!

Bruce Judson on the Societal Dangers of Income Inequality By Roosevelt Institute | 12.08.11 |

    I got the chance to talk with Bruce Judson, who has been writing the “Restoring Capitalism” column and whose comprehensive plan for reversing the rise in economic inequality will be published as an e-book, Making Capitalism Work for the 99%: A Manifesto, this week. We talked about his work before the financial crisis that examined the startling rise of income inequality in the U.S., how it can lead to social unrest and instability, and what course we must take to correct these trends.

Bryce Covert: You talked about the societal dangers of growing income inequality in your 2009 book It Could Happen Here before it was on the national agenda. What made you pay attention to the trend?
Bruce Judson: I started discussing the book with Harper Collins in 2007. At that time, a number of prominent people were also very concerned about it, including Paul Krugman, Robert Reich, Elizabeth Warren, and Roosevelt Institute Chief Economist Joseph Stiglitz. They all said it was dangerous for our democracy. But I kept wondering why. What happens next? So I started my own research.
In the book, I took a historic perspective on what happens when extreme inequality arises in a society. It describes a series of steps, or a narrative, for how growing economic inequality can ultimately lead a democracy to implode. The book argued that if economic inequality in America continued unchecked, it would lead to a dysfunctional economy, even greater political polarization, ultimately political paralysis, anger and mistrust throughout the society, protests, and eventually reform or some type of political instability.
Sadly, each of the stages of misery seems to be happening like dominoes falling. And I am convinced the Occupy movement reflects the coalescing of the deep and unfortunate anger that pervades our society as a result.

Cont’d below the fold …

BC: What historical trends stood out as most similar to our situation?
BJ: I was terrified by the similarities between our society and the era of the Great Depression. As a nation, we were moving toward levels of economic inequality we had not seen since the financial crash of the late 1920s. My reading of history, of events surrounding the New Deal era and the Depression, is that excess inequality tended to be associated with high speculation and a lack of appropriate constraints on the financial industry.
In essence, I came to believe growing economic inequality was intimately linked to economic catastrophe, which would be so great that it would tear our social fabric.
BC: Why is inequality so destabilizing and dangerous?
BJ: There are very few things in America that are taboo. But one thing we never, ever talk about is the potential for political instability in the U.S. We’re taught as children that we had one great revolution. We take the stability of our democracy for granted.
But economic inequality is very dangerous, and the reason is that in our society wealth and power go together. As wealth becomes substantial, it starts to use its political power to ensure its hegemony and mucks up the important, competitive elements that make capitalism work. Over time, what was formally a vibrant economy with efficient markets becomes an inefficient, dysfunctional one.
Here’s a recent example. The New York Times wrote that Wall Street does not want a transparent market for swaps and that Washington politicians were listening to its demands. The reason for the opposition is that, in effect, traders make more money by keeping “prices in the shadows.” A transparent market means that you have the equivalent of a stock exchange, where all participants can see the prices of recent trades. That’s all it means.
It’s hard for me to see how this would even be a serious discussion if the financial industry did not have political influence. Is there any public interest in a market that is opaque, rather than transparent?  

Is income inequality harmful?

Lane Kenworthy, The Good Society
September 2015

A generation ago, perhaps even just a few years ago, worry about high or rising income inequality stemmed mainly from a belief that it is unfair. In recent years the source of apprehension has shifted. The dominant concern now is that inequality may have harmful effects on a range of outcomes we value, from education to health to economic growth to happiness to democracy and more. Does it?

HOW SHOULD WE ASSESS INCOME INEQUALITY’S EFFECTS?

The most informative test, which I’ll use here, is to see whether changes in income inequality in the world’s rich countries correlate with changes in the various outcomes. It’s important to understand why this analytical approach is useful, so bear with me for a moment while I elaborate.

Research on inequality’s effects has examined countries, regions (states, counties), cities, and individuals. I focus on countries for two reasons. First, the nation is where we now have the best data on income inequality, with income measured including transfers and taxes, reliably comparable across units, and covering a relatively long period of time. Second, countries are the unit of greatest interest from a policy perspective. Most of the relevant levers for influencing income inequality are at the level of the national government, rather than the region or city.


I examine eighteen affluent democratic nations for which we have data on income inequality and on many of the outcomes of interest: Australia, Canada, Denmark, Finland, France, Germany, Ireland, Italy, Japan, the Netherlands, New Zealand, Norway, Portugal, Spain, Sweden, Switzerland, the United Kingdom, and the United States.

DEMOCRACY

Rising income inequality is hypothesized to have polluted American politics by (1) reducing trust in political institutions, (2) reducing voter turnout, (3) increasing polarization between the two parties, and (4) increasing the influence of the rich on policy decisions.

The first three hypotheses don’t square with the over-time patterns in the United States. According to data from the American National Election Studies (NES), trust in government and in the political process began declining in the 1960s and continued in the 1970s, before income inequality began increasing. And during the period of rising income inequality since the 1970s, political trust has changed very little.

Voter turnout in presidential elections also declined beginning in the 1960s, prior to the rise in income inequality. Moreover, it reached a low point in 1996 and has increased since then, returning by 2008 to the level of the early 1960s. Voter turnout in off-year elections has not changed since 1974, despite the steady increase in income inequality.

Party polarization refers to the fact that elected Republican legislators have moved to the right on key economic issues while Democratic legislators have moved to the left. Here too, timing is a problem for the “inequality is harmful” hypothesis. In the authoritative study of party polarization, Polarized America, Nolan McCarty, Keith Poole, and Howard Rosenthal write that “In both chambers [the House and the Senate], the Republicans became more moderate until the 1960s and then moved in a sharply conservative direction in the 1970s. The pattern for the Democrats is almost exactly the opposite. Consequently, the two party means [average party positions] moved closer together during the twentieth century until the 1970s and then moved apart.”104 Income inequality between the top 1% and the bottom 99% didn’t begin increasing until the 1980s, after the polarization of the parties commenced. And income inequality within the bottom 99% hasn’t changed much since the mid-1990s, yet party polarization has continued unabated.

What about inequality of political influence? Money clearly matters in American politics,106 so with the richest getting a large and rising share of the country’s income, it’s sensible to hypothesize that they would have growing success in swaying policy makers to support their preferences.  

Austerity policies do more harm than good, IMF study concludes

A strong warning that austerity policies can do more harm than good has been delivered by economists from the International Monetary Fund, in a critique of the neoliberal doctrine that has dominated economics for the past three decades. In an article seized on by the shadow chancellor, John McDonnell, the IMF economists said rising inequality was bad for growth and that governments should use controls to cope with destabilising capital flows.

The IMF team praised some aspects of the liberalising agenda that was ushered in by Ronald Reagan and Margaret Thatcher in the 1980s, such as the expansion of trade and the increase in foreign direct investment. But it said other aspects of the programme had not delivered the expected improvements in economic performance. Looking specifically at removing barriers to flows of capital and plans to strengthen the public finances, the three IMF economists came up with conclusions that contradicted neoliberal theory.

“The benefits in terms of increased growth seem fairly difficult to establish when looking at a broad group of countries,” they said. “The costs in terms of increased inequality are prominent. Such costs epitomise the trade-off between the growth and equity effects of some aspects of the neoliberal agenda.­

“Increased inequality in turn hurts the level and sustainability of growth. Even if growth is the sole or main purpose of the neoliberal agenda, advocates of that agenda still need to pay attention to the distributional effects.”


The economists rejected the notion that austerity could be good for growth by boosting the confidence of the private sector to invest. It said that in practice, “episodes of fiscal consolidation have been followed, on average, by drops rather than by expansions in output. On average, a consolidation of 1% of GDP increases the long-term unemployment rate by 0.6 percentage points.”  

Up All Night: France’s young target Hollande over labour reforms | The Guardian – May 14, 2016 |

In Paris’s Place de la République, in the shadow of Marianne – the allegorical symbol of liberté, egalité, fraternité – all the talk is of defiance, despite the many baton-wielding riot police.

After an extraordinary week in which France’s Socialist government resorted to emergency constitutional powers to force through deeply divisive reforms to employment law – avoiding a parliamentary vote it would almost certainly have lost – the youthful movement whose protests have spread across France is debating its response.

“We had had enough before. Now we’ve had enough of enough,” one participant in the Nuit Debout (Up All Night) movement that has occupied the central Paris square since March said yesterday.

 « click for more info
Supporters of the Nuit Debout movement in Paris's Place de la République. (Photo: Jacky Naegelen/Reuters)

The youth-led cause has been taken up across France, but Place de la République – still a shrine to those killed in last year’s terrorist attacks – has become the rallying point for protests against the “El Khomri law“. (It is named after work and employment minister Myriam El Khomri but happens to sound a bit like connerie – bullshit.)

Scenes of riot police in protective gear clearing the square with teargas were broadcast around the world and made the square look like a war zone, but most evenings the atmosphere is more like a music festival: people sit around smoking, drinking beer, discussing politics and planning a workers’ paradise.

There are makeshift tents and stands: Poètes Debout, Avocats Debout, Cinéma Debout, Ecologie Debout, Féministes Debout. There is a medical centre, a canteen, even a welcome stand.

Hollande dictates labour reform as strikes, fuel blockades and petrol shortages continue

The employers’ federation, Medef, said the strikes would have a negative effect on France’s fragile economic growth. its head, Pierre Gattaz, said the government should resist “blackmail”, calling the strikers “thugs”.

The government is under increasing pressure to find a way out of the standoff, but neither president nor unions have indicated they are prepared to budge.

While there were still long queues at petrol stations in some parts of the country on Friday, the situation eased slightly in some areas as union blockades of fuel depots were lifted. But six of France’s eight oil refineries were still shut down or operating at reduced capacity as a result of the union action.

Strikes continued at nuclear power stations – which provide three quarters of the country’s electricity – but have not affected supply.

Polls have shown that a majority of French people blame the government for the crisis, saying it mishandled the reforms. An Opinionway poll found 66% of French people think the government should abandon their plans.

The French counterstrike against work e-mail | The New Yorker |

Even if the best candidate isn’t elected president in this election cycle, Bernie represents more than himself …. the movement with a social face is here to stay in the coming years with appreciation of the younger generation and like-minded elders in American society. Gender equality should be part hereof, in addition to a fight against racial bias in society.

Founded in the bloodied French Revolution, the U.S. Constitution is lacking a bit of liberté, egalité, fraternité.

Funky Friday Open Thread

In the heat of the day down in Mobile Alabama
Working on the railroad with the steel driving hammer
I gotta get some money to buy some brand new shoes
Tryin’ to find somebody to take away these blues
“She don’t love me” hear them singing in the sun
Payday’s coming and my work is all done

Happy Memorial Day Weekend, folks.

Why People Hate Congress

If you want a demonstration on why it’s so easy for regular folks to despise politicians, look no further than the shenanigans that went on in the U.S. House of Representatives, yesterday. Rep. Sean Patrick Maloney (D-NY), who is openly gay, has been attaching a LGBT rights amendment to Republican bills. He’s able to do this because Speaker Ryan has decided to allow for a much more open amendments process than his predecessors, but that comes with a cost. The cost is that the opposition finds it much easier to mess with you by offering amendments that drive wedges into your caucus.

Gay rights is one of those wedge issues. First, Rep. Maloney attached his amendment to a military construction bill. It provided “that nothing in the underlying spending bill can undermine President Obama’s executive order barring discrimination by government contractors based on sexual orientation or gender identity.”

When it became clear that the amendment would pass, the House leadership held the vote open until they could whip enough votes to defeat it, 212-213. That was last week.

On Wednesday night, Rep. Maloney attached the amendment to an energy spending bill and it passed 223-195, with 43 Republicans and all the Democrats supporting it.

Isn’t it amazing that the same body of 435 representatives could have such a different opinion of an amendment depending on whether it was attached to a military construction bill or an energy bill?

In truth, those 43 Republicans don’t object to the amendment. They didn’t want to go on the record opposing it the first time.

But, fine, they eventually exercised their independent judgment and passed it, right?

What happened then?

The victory was short-lived, however, as the amendment proved to be a poison pill that led scores of Republicans to oppose the underlying energy bill, which suffered a crushing 112-305 defeat on the floor Thursday. One hundred and thirty Republicans voted against the package, while just six Democrats supported it.

The Republicans voted against gay rights before they voted for them before they voted against them again?

Of course, they blamed the Democrats for not supporting the energy bill, but the energy bill wasn’t crafted to win Democratic support. What actually happened is that gay-hating Republicans who supported the energy appropriations decided to vote against them once the funds became attached to an anti-discrimination provision.

This is, of course, Speaker Ryan’s fault because he decided to let the Democrats offer these types of amendments to bills they have no intention of supporting. And that allows the Democrats to have a good old time exposing the Republicans’ divisions and horrible record on gay rights.

It’s another demonstration that the GOP is not capable of acting as a cohesive governing coalition. They cannot fund the government. And they couldn’t fund it even before they opened the door for the Democrats to shiv them at every opportunity.

The average citizen doesn’t understand all the procedural and strategic maneuvering here. All they see is a bunch of politicians who shift their votes with no regard for principle, who are more interested in embarrassing each other than in getting things done, and who simply cannot preform even the most basic elements of their jobs.

I’m not making a moral equivalency argument here. The Democrats are right on the merits and, given a majority, would have no problems figuring out how to fund the government. But that’s difficult to see. What’s easy to see is why everyone now seems to hate Congress.