Why There is No Legitimate Defense For Trump’s Actions

This was simply an effort to create and substantiate bogus claims that would help Trump win reelection. It was nothing more than that.

If you haven’t had an opportunity to read the whistleblower report that was released to the public on Thursday morning, I strongly encourage you to take the time to do that today. I also request that you share it within your social networks, as I think it is important that as many people as possible get their facts in this case directly from the primary sources rather than filtered through their preferred news outlets. The report is the best entry point to understanding why the president will be impeached and also for judging whether this is justified and should lead to conviction and removal from office.

I say “entry point,” because it is not by itself sufficient to understand all the important facets and considerations at play. The whistleblower was not in a position to know all the facts. But he knew enough to understand that President Trump was running an operation involving Rudy Giuliani and Attorney General William Barr. The operation involved the enlistment of both sympathetic and coerced Ukrainian officials to lend credence to and help promulgate false conspiracy theories related both to the 2016 election and to Joe Biden, one of his likely opponents in the 2020 election.

Ever since Donald Trump became the chief proponent of the allegation that Barack Obama was not born in the United States, we have known that he has both a fondness and a weakness for implausible conspiracy theories.  It is not always possible to know when Trump is acting with knowing cynicism and when he has genuinely fallen for a bogus story. It’s conceivable that part of his defense in this case is that he is simply an idiot who believes theories that are intended for simple rubes.

Be that as it may, the president has long suspected that even as Russia acted to help his campaign, there were people in Ukraine working to help Hillary Clinton. In itself, this is not implausible. A reasonable example is the August 2016 disclosure of a notebook detailing Ukrainian government payments to Trump’s then-campaign chairman Paul Manafort. This led to Manafort’s swift dismissal, and to no end of headaches from Trump thereafter.

Given Trump’s ostentatious embrace of Vladimir Putin throughout his campaign, it doesn’t seem far-fetched that many people in Ukraine did not want to see him elected. If the Clinton campaign were to have colluded with those people, that would have been as potentially problematic as any collusion the Trump campaign conducted with Russians. Trump would very much like to prove that something along these lines occurred, and this isn’t by itself a corrupt act. The problems arise from how Trump hopes to make a connection.

For one thing, Trump has by no means limited his efforts to seeking information about potential Ukrainian assistance to the Clinton campaign. From the beginning, he has combined this with a forward-looking plan to damage Joe Biden with an eye to the 2020 campaign.

If Trump had a reasonable suspicion that Biden had committed corrupt acts while serving as vice-president, the reasonable thing to do would be to refer it to the FBI. What he has done instead is deeply troubling. It ties in with his effort to retroactively undermine the legitimacy of Robert Mueller’s investigation. Trump has authorized John Dunham to lead an investigation into how the FBI came to initiate a counterintelligence investigation on his campaign in 2016. Since Ukraine could be part of the explanation for that, issues related to Ukraine’s activities in 2016 fall under the purview of his inquiry:

On Wednesday, the Justice Department said that the official named to review the origins of the counterintelligence investigation into Mr. Trump’s campaign, John H. Durham, is looking into the role of Ukraine, among other countries. “While the attorney general [William Barr] has yet to contact Ukraine in connection with this investigation, certain Ukrainians who are not members of the government have volunteered information to Mr. Durham, which he is evaluating,” the Justice Department said in a statement.

Now, what needs to be understood here is that the whistleblower report clearly says that Rudy Giuliani was put to work by the president to make contact with Ukrainians, including current and former officials of their government, and that this had apparently resulted in tangible results. This is detailed in Section IV of the complaint, under the heading “Circumstances leading up to the 25 July Presidential call.”

In particular, in March 2019, articles penned by Ukrainians who been in contact with Giuliani began appearing in The Hill alleging that the Head of the Anticorruption Bureau of Ukraine along with a member of parliament had conspired with DNC and officials in the U.S. embassy in Kiev to interfere in the 2016 election. They also claimed that Joe Biden had forced Ukraine to fire Prosecutor General Viktor Shokin in order to quash an investigation of his son Hunter. These were the two basic lines of inquiry Trump later asked President Zelensky to explore during their July 25 phone call as a condition of getting further military aid. These allegations were not true, although it’s possible that Trump did not understand that Giuliani was creating the stories on his behalf.

What’s clearer is that Trump had a clear plan to push these stories and that it included withholding military assistance to Ukraine as a leverage point. It was one thing to successfully plant misinformation in The Hill but far move valuable to get official statements from the new government in Kiev.

On both of these points, Trump crossed over from conducting unethical dirty tricks to committing impeachable offenses. Directly soliciting help from a foreign power to help you damage a likely political opponent is a violation of campaign finance law and also the type of thing that warrants removal from office on general principle. Doing so in a coercive manner by imperiling that country’s national security is also a removable offense.

I also believe that deliberately feeding John Durham misinformation that will undermine his investigation of the FBI counterintelligence investigation of the president’s 2016 campaign is a criminal offense.

Some of what Trump has done could have been done in a legal way that would be far less problematic. He could asked for Ukrainian cooperation in Durham’s investigation rather than asking them to work with Rudy Giuliani and William Barr. He could have had the FBI look into the circumstances surrounding the dismissal of Prosecutor General Viktor Shokin. But taking those kinds of actions would have been somewhat perilous in the best of circumstances, and it’s never okay to ask for an investigation and then seek to deliver misinformation to the investigators.

The president’s supporters will argue that he had the right to investigate possible Ukrainian interference in the 2016 campaign, and that’s true. He just went about it in the wrong way, especially by sending Giuliani out to manufacture fake evidence for the cause. The president’s supporters will argue that it’s valid to examine possible corruption on the part of a former vice-president irrespective of whether he’s a rival candidate for office. This depends on the credibility and seriousness of the allegations, and should be handled with the utmost care. In this case, there was no credibility to the allegations–Giuliani was ginning up them–and absolutely no care was taken to avoid conflicts of interest.

The most egregious act here is clearly the decision to withhold aid from Ukraine. This was done entirely unilaterally by the president and mystified officials responsible for Ukraine at the Pentagon, State Department and National Security Council. It was done with no regard for the security implications for Ukraine. It’s sole purpose was to exercise leverage over the new government in Kiev in furtherance of a corrupt plan to lend credence several conspiracy theories that would confuse and misinform the American electorate.

As we debate whether Trump should be convicted and removed from office, we need to keep in mind that there is some limited merit to what his defenders argue, but that their arguments ultimately do not hold water because this wasn’t a good faith effort to protect our elections or root out corruption. It was simply an effort to create and substantiate bogus claims that would help Trump win reelection. It was nothing more than that.

Attorney General Bill Barr has Some Explaining To Do

Attorney General Bill Barr told Kamala Harris in public testimony “I don’t know” if the White House asked him to investigate anyone. That assertion seems to be inoperative today.

Image: Andrew Harnik/AP Images/REX/Shutterstock

Anyone else remember Attorney General Bill Barr’s exchange with Senator Kamala Harris? Aaron Rupar sure does! Let’s take a trip down memory lane…

That certainly seems like a big ol’ oopsie-daisy, doesn’t it?

“There’s a lot of talk about Biden’s son, the Biden stopped the prosecution and a lot of people want to find out about that so whatever you can do with the Attorney General would be great.”

Rupar has quite a few juicy memories, including this gem, where Barr has to pause before “acknowledging that presidential campaigns that are offered dirt from hostile foreign governments should probably contact the FBI.”

I think Bill Barr has some explaining to do. In fact, I think quite a lot of people have some explaining to do because, as Talking Points Memo observes Pence was in on the scheme. And probably quite a few other people too.

This new episode suggests that the President can personally commit the most egregious wrongdoing, clearly impeachable offenses, in full view of his most senior advisors, and we hear nothing about it. We only know about this because of this whistleblower, who is him or herself now being attacked publicly as a Deep State partisan. Could Trump have made financial demands of Gulf monarchies to help his private businesses? Could he have asked Vladimir Putin for election assistance in 2020? Given that the demand on Ukraine was considered acceptable and is now being affirmatively defended, there’s no reason to think that these actions wouldn’t have been deemed acceptable and within the President’s purview as well.

Marshall concludes, “[t]his new development suggests he probably has [engaged in high crimes and misdemeanors], that his top advisors know about those bad acts and decided it was okay.” That is almost certainly the fact of the matter, and they all have to go out with the rest of the trash.

Rudy Giuliani is Burying Donald Trump

According to Nicole Lafond of Talking Points Memo, Rudy Giuliani made an appearance Wednesday morning on the Fox & Friends show and made some interesting comments.

For one, he claimed that someone in Ukraine read him a transcript of the now infamous July 25, 2019 phone cell between President Donald Trump and President Volodymr Zelensky. According to Giuliani, this was the only way he could access the transcript because it’s classified in the United States.

Considering that the president sent him on a Ukraine-related post-call trip to Spain, is seems ludicrous he’d be cut out of access to the transcript. He could just call Trump at any time and ask to take a fresh look. But if what he said is true, this means Giuliani is still colluding with Ukrainian officials, only now it’s less to help Trump’s political career than to save it.

His purpose in “disclosing” this was so he could talk with some authority about its contents.

Here is the truth. [Trump] never mentioned $250 million. He never mentioned military aid. He didn’t tell them there was a condition for [Zelensky] getting anything,” Giuliani said. “He didn’t tell him he had to investigate.”

In the context of the call, scheduled military aid was being held up by the administration and even members of the Pentagon, State Department and National Security Council could not figure out why. Zelensky certainly hoped to find out. If Trump didn’t explain, then his requests did the explaining for him. He allegedly requested eight separate times that Zelensky investigate Joe and Hunter Biden and told him to work with Giuliani in furtherance of that plan.

As I discussed yesterday, there is no merit to the conspiracy theory Trump and Giuliani were pursuing. Supposedly, while serving as vice-president, Biden forced the removal of Ukraine’s top prosecutor to protect his son who was serving on the board of a Ukrainian natural gas company suspected of money laundering. What actually happened is that Biden threatened to withhold aid if the prosecutor was not replaced because the U.S. Government and the European Union believed that the prosecutor was corrupt and failing to investigate corruption within the Ukrainian government.  In this, Biden was successful and parliament replaced the prosecutor. Giuliani told the Fox & Friends hosts that this was an example of extortion.

[Trump] didn’t tell [the Ukrainian president] like Biden did, ‘you have to get rid of the prosecutor or you don’t get your $1.2 billion in six hours.’ If you compare the two conversations, you’d say one seems perfectly appropriate and the other seems — and I’m not saying it is because he’s presumed innocent — seems like extortion and bribery much more clear than probably 10 that I prosecuted where I put people in jail for 20 years.” 

What Biden did was coercive, but even Trump has argued in recent days that foreign or military aid should not just be handed out with no conditions, especially when the recipient country is experiencing rampant corruption. Perhaps some in Ukraine did not like Biden’s conditions and felt like they were being bossed around, but beggars can’t often be choosers, which is precisely why it matters greatly why a donor country puts conditions on their aid.

In Biden’s case, the conditions were not personal as Giuliani and Trump allege, but the official position of the Western Alliance with respect to Ukraine’s top prosecutor. In Trump’s case, the conditions were completely personal and aimed at promulgating a lie and a smear of one of his top rivals for the presidency.

I’d like to point out two more inaccuracies in Giuliani’s remarks. In 2016, the year in question, Congress appropriated a grand total of $667 million to Ukraine, so it was not possible for Biden to withhold $1.2 billion.  Also, Biden made his threat in December 2015, but the aid was never cut off despite the fact that the Ukrainian parliament did not respond satisfactorily until March 2016. So, the Obama administration gave Ukraine considerably longer than six hours to meet their demand.

Finally, Giuliani suggested on Fox & Friends that perhaps the subject of Hunter Biden was first broached on the call by Volodymr Zelensky rather than by Donald Trump. Based on the reporting in Wednesday’s Washington Post, that seems unlikely.

Several officials described tense meetings on Ukraine among national security officials at the White House leading up to the president’s phone call on July 25, sessions that led some participants to fear that Trump and those close to him appeared prepared to use U.S. leverage with the new leader of Ukraine for Trump’s political gain.

As those worries intensified, some senior officials worked behind the scenes to hold off a Trump meeting or call with Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelensky out of concern that Trump would use the conversation to press Kiev for damaging information on Trump’s potential rival in the 2020 race, former vice president Joe Biden, and Biden’s son Hunter.

If, for some reason, it really was the Ukrainian president who first mentioned Hunter Biden, it was undoubtedly because he was prepped to do so by the same kind of Ukrainian officials who supposedly later read the transcript of the call to Giuliani.

Based on reporting from Reuters, it’s almost certain that the Americans did not make a recording of the call and instead relied on several transcribers. I don’t know what the common practice is in Ukraine but Giuliani had access to their version so Congress should be entitled to it as well. There’s a pretty good likelihood that the two versions will not agree. The Trump administration has every incentive to produce a self-serving version that is as exculpatory as possible. Versions that already exist in Ukraine were not created with that in mind, and could as easily be read to a New York Times reporter as a former New York City mayor.

One final complaint I have with Giuliani’s cable news performances relates to his Tuesday night appearance on Laura Ingraham’s show. He called himself a “simple country lawyer” when he’s really the former United States Attorney for the Southern District of New York. That’s as far as it is possible to get from being a simple country lawyer.

Giuliani has created many more problems for Trump than he has solved, and when Trump is impeached it will be largely Giuliani’s fault. I hope he keeps talking. I hope he never stops talking.

A Little Humor

We all need a laugh sometimes. This one’s an oldie but a goodie, and you’ll definitely want to give a listen.

It’s been quite the week, what with Ukraine and the president mocking a child and the chicken donut sandwich and now maybe even impeachment, and it’s only Tuesday. Here’s an oldie but a goodie to take the edge off. It’s Buddy Hackett ragging on Donald Trump. Who, by the way, looked like an Oompah Loompah at this morning’s address to the UN.

How a Whistleblower Accomplished What Mueller Could Not

Trump’s Ukraine scandal includes proof and a confession, which is something that eluded the special prosecutor during his investigation.

On Tuesday morning, President Trump confirmed that he ordered a halt to scheduled military aid to Ukraine. Previously, he admitted that shortly after giving that order he spoke on July 25, 2019 with newly elected Ukrainian president Volodymyr Zelenskiy and repeatedly asked him to open investigations of Joe Biden and his son Hunter. These two admissions may be sufficient to get Trump impeached by the House of Representatives.

To begin with, Joe Biden did something a bit similar when he was vice-president. In December 2015, Biden made an appearance in Kiev, the Ukrainian capital, and warned that governmental corruption was eating the country “like a cancer.” He explicitly warned that loan guarantees might be withheld unless the nation’s top prosecutor, Viktor Shokin, was removed from his position. The concern was that Shokin was not pursuing corruption cases because he was himself corrupt.

Biden’s threat was effective. In March 2016, the Ukrainian parliament fired Shokin. This later became part of a conspiracy theory that caught the president’s attention.

It may have started after Biden bragged about his role in having Shokin removed during a January 2018 speech at the Council of Foreign Relations.

The heart of the conspiracy theory stems from the fact that Joe Biden’s son Hunter served on the board of a Ukrainian natural gas company called the Burisma Group from May 2014 to April 2019. The group was investigated by the United Kingdom’s Serious Fraud Group under suspicion of money laundering. Shokin also investigated them, but his inquiry was not active at the time Joe Biden asked for his removal. Supposedly, Biden’s secret motive for tying foreign aid to Shokin’s removal was a corrupt attempt to protect Burisma Group and his son Hunter. Yet, at no time was Hunter specifically the target of any investigation.

Trump’s explanation of his behavior is evolving. On Sunday, he said that, in his conversation with Ukrainian president Volodymyr Zelenskiy, he was behaving in a similar manner to Biden.

“The conversation I had was largely congratulatory. It was largely corruption—all of the corruption taking place. It was largely the fact that we don’t want our people, like Vice President Biden and his son, creating to [sic] the corruption already in the Ukraine.”

In other words, according to the president, it was corrupt for Biden to threaten to withhold aid in an effort to get a Ukrainian prosecutor fired for investigating corruption but it was not corrupt for him to actually withhold foreign aid in an effort to get a prosecutor to conduct a corrupt investigation.

Following Trump’s logic and actions is often dizzying, but this is a real doozy. In truth, Biden’s wanted Ukraine’s top prosecutor to do his job and root out bureaucratic rot. Since Shokin was clearly not going to do that, Biden wanted him replaced and he used the leverage of U.S. foreign aid to achieve that objective. Trump wants to convince us that he was attempting the same tactic, but in his case it was based on his belief in a bogus conspiracy theory about Joe and Hunter Biden.

Joe Biden isn’t just a former vice-president. He’s the frontrunner for the Democratic presidential nomination and therefore a likely 2020 opponent for Trump. By requesting that Ukraine investigate him personally, Trump was seeking to help himself politically rather than acting as a good shepherd of American taxpayers’ money. One way to understand the difference between Biden and Trump’s actions is to realize that Trump was acting alone but Biden was joined by “many world leaders and the European Union” in his demand that Shokin be replaced.

Maybe Trump realizes that his Sunday explanation wasn’t so good. On Tuesday, he revised it. Now he’s saying that he withheld military aid to Ukraine in order to pressure other European countries to give more of their own aid:

“My complaint has always been, and I’d withhold again and I’ll continue to withhold until such time as Europe and other nations contribute to Ukraine because they’re not doing it,” Trump told reporters at the United Nations General Assembly.

That explanation would be more convincing if he hadn’t already offered a more plausible one.

Trump’s July 25th conversation with President Zelenskiy wasn’t private. There were others in the room and on the call, and a transcript was circulated in a limited circle. On August 12, 2019, someone privy to the conversation lodged an official complaint with Inspector General Michael Atkinson of the Office of the Director of National Intelligence. After reviewing the complaint, Atkinson judged it credible and urgent.

On August 26, Atkinson sent it to the recently appointed acting director of national intelligence, Joseph Maguire. Per statute, Maguire was required to report the claim to the Intelligence Committees in the House and Senate within a week – but he said nothing. On September 9, Atkinson wrote the committees to make them aware of the existence of the whistle-blower complaint and Maguire’s failure to report it.

So, a little over two weeks ago, Congress became aware that there was a whistleblower report and that they were being illegally denied access to it. At that point, House Intelligence Chairman Adam Schiff of California went public.  The next day, September 10,  he wrote to Joseph Maguire and subpoenaed the report.

On September 13, DNI general counsel Jason Klitenic responded to Schiff, saying that after consulting with the Justice Department, they had overruled the inspector general. In their determination the complaint was not of “urgent concern,” as it “concerns conduct by someone outside of the Intelligence Community” (i.e., the president), and it “involves confidential and potentially privileged communications.”

Thus, the stonewalling period began in earnest and the controversy grew.

The California Democrat also concluded, based on the DNI’s conduct, that the complaint must involve the president or other administration officials. Schiff subpoenaed Maguire to either supply the complaint by September 17 or appear before the committee on September 19 to explain why he had not. Maguire declined.

One thing to keep in mind is that Inspector General Michael Atkinson told lawmakers that the whistleblower report concerned  “multiple actions,” and it’s not at all clear that those actions were all contained within Trump’s phone conversation with the Ukrainian president.

One additional element is the role of Rudy Giuliani in soliciting damaging information on the Bidens from Ukraine. In May 2019, Giuliani announced his intention to travel to Ukraine in search of dirt, only to cancel the trip two days later when he was severely criticized. Yet, per the Wall Street Journal, by June he was in Paris talking “with an official from the Ukrainian prosecutor general’s office to discuss a possible Biden investigation.” In August, he traveled to Madrid:

Mr. Giuliani met with Andriy Yermak, a top aide to Mr. Zelensky, in Madrid. The two also spoke by phone later in the month. Mr. Giuliani described Mr. Yermak as “very receptive” and said the aide told him Mr. Zelensky would “get to the bottom of all this.”

It’s possible that the whistleblower report touches on these activities. They are of particular concern because on Friday the Wall Street Journal reported that during the July 25 call between Trump and Zelensky, the president urged Zelensky to “work with [Mr. Giuliani] on Biden, and that people in Washington wanted to know.” It appears that the August meeting between Giuliani and Mr.Yermak in Madrid was the follow-up to that request.

While there is much still to investigate, the basics are known. Even prior to Zelensky’s election in April, Trump and Giuliani have been hoping to use the bogus Hunter Biden story to damage their presumed 2020 opponent. To accomplish this, they needed the help of officials in Ukraine. Knowing that Ukraine is dependent on U.S. military aid, Trump sought to use it as leverage to force Zelensky’s hand and appears to have convinced him to at least send a top aide to meet with Giuliani in a third country.

That these are criminal and impeachable actions doesn’t seem to have really occurred to Trump or Giuliani since they have freely admitted almost everything, only shading what their true purpose was as they deemed necessary.

The most egregious act is the withholding of military aid, but that is really only a surplus impeachment charge. What they have admitted is at least as serious as what Trump was accused of doing in the Mueller probe. Ironically, the Zelensky phone call occurred the day after Mueller testified before Congress, proving that he had learned nothing about what is and is not legal and appropriate in terms of soliciting foreign assistance in a political campaign.

Examining what will happen next will have to be the subject of a separate piece. Currently, acting DNI director Joseph Maguire is scheduled to testify before the House Intelligence Committee on Thursday, September 26. Things are moving fast in the House, and it appears that Speaker Pelosi’s reluctance to impeach the president has crumbled.

In a way, this story has everything that the Mueller investigation lacked. The conspiracy is in plain sight and the participants have openly confessed. They may make excuses and attempt to muddy the waters, but the case appears proven. We’ll have to see if this will have any material effect in how Republican lawmakers respond.

As Impeachment Looms, The “Both Sides” Zombies Begin To Emerge From Their Crypts

Reporters and pundits can’t resist the “both sides” argument when it comes to US politics. The Week’s Joel Mathis provides a classic example of the genre.

Image: YouTube screen shot

Joel Mathis—full disclosure: my former editor, and a good friend—has an interesting piece in The Week. His central argument is that President Donald Trump keeps getting way with horrible crimes because “America has a rich recent history of letting its presidents off the hook for bad behavior.

Trump doesn’t have to look far back into the past to get the impression that presidents can get away with just about anything they dare. From Richard Nixon to Bill Clinton to George W. Bush, America has a rich recent history of letting its presidents off the hook for bad behavior. We are paying for that leniency now.
[…]
Ford sought quick closure to the [Watergate] scandal, but he may have paid a price: He lost the 1976 presidential election to Jimmy Carter by the narrowest of margins — a margin that many observers attributed to the unpopularity of his pardon decision.

From then on, lesser examples accumulate. Ronald Reagan left office with his popularity intact despite presiding over the Iran-Contra scandal; Bill Clinton was similarly esteemed even though he had actually been impeached. And when George W. Bush left the nation mired in unwinnable wars and a near-depression, Barack Obama came to office and decided to skip the myriad prosecutions that so many Democrats wanted him to pursue.

“We need to look forward as opposed to looking backwards,” Obama said.

I think that, in general, Mathis hits the nail on the head, with one glaring “one of these things is not like the others” example: Bill Clinton, who was most definitely NOT let off the hook. In fact, Clinton was rigorously pursued by independent counsel Ken Starr, in a very public investigation. When Starr failed find any evidence of financial chicanery in the Whitewater real estate deal that spurred the probe to begin with, he turned to Clinton’s consensual-if-sleazy extramarital affairs, which is how America came to learn about the president’s penis, cigar fetish, Oval Office blow jobs, and semen stains on blue dresses.

Clinton was forced, in many instances, to speak directly to the American people including admitting that he’d lied about his affairs. For this crime against the country—indeed, against all humanity—Clinton was impeached on two articles, and tried in the Senate. He was acquitted, with 10 Republicans voting not guilty on the first article, and 5 voting not guilty on the second article. You can even watch some of the proceedings, which were on TV at the time. And according to Wikipedia, “Clinton was held in civil contempt of court by Judge Susan Webber Wright for giving misleading testimony in the Paula Jones case regarding Lewinsky and was also fined $90,000 by Wright. His license to practice law was suspended in Arkansas for five years; shortly thereafter, he was disbarred from presenting cases in front of the United States Supreme Court.”

Clinton famously went on to win re-election in a landslide Clinton won re-election easily in 1996 despite what Americans were learning over the course of the investigation, and the 1998 mid-terms saw Democratic gains as impeachment fizzled. Many have argued, as I do, that the public figured out that Starr and the GOP were on a witch hunt against the popular president who led the nation during a sustained economic boom. The fact that seven or more of the Republicans pursuing were also balls-deep in extramarital affairs of their own might have had something to do with that sympathy, and led to their shellacking in the House.

One may disagree with that public forgiveness, or argue it wasn’t merited, or find it distasteful, as Mathis clearly does. But to say that Bill Clinton received “impunity for bad behavior” is about as far a stretch as you can go without tying yourself to the rack.

More to the point, this kind of feckless “both sides do it” argument is wholly inappropriate to the current circumstances. We have a truly criminal president, doing truly criminal acts, that truly harm us as a nation. Dredging up the Clenis only muddies the waters when Americans need clarity.

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How Bernie Sanders is Blowing His Golden Chance

He’s had four years to prepare, but he has not expanded his support or adjusted to the specific challenges of a new campaign.

In one sense, yes, Bernie Sanders has an Elizabeth Warren problem. They’re competing for a lot of the same votes and she seems to be doing better than him in recent weeks. But I’d argue that the problem for Bernie Sanders is Bernie Sanders.

If he knew after his 2016 disappointment that he was planning to run again, he should have done a number of things in preparation that he did not do. The number one thing he ought to have done is to repair as many relationships as possible so that hard feelings from the (larger) Clinton camp would be muted as much as possible. He didn’t need to compromise on any principles to win some trust that he’s actually a loyal Democrat who is willing to work for the party and his colleagues. Yet, one of the first things he did was drop his brief formal membership in the party. He did little to discourage his surrogates from trashing Clinton and arguing that he was the better choice all along, which did not help sooth raw nerves.

Another thing he should have done is to examine the particular political climate of 2019-2020 to search for new angles on issues that are of pressing concern. There are many issues that are new or much more prominent today than they were four years ago. There are areas where public opinion seems to have shifted dramatically in the last four years, like gun control and marijuana legalization. The #MeToo movement is a new factor. The debate over immigration looks much different today. Climate change is more urgent and more of a concern for the electorate. Our foreign relationships are in a much different condition.

Where Sanders has introduced new ideas, they seem to be uniformly aimed at creating a more thoroughly socialistic system than he proposed in 2016: e.g., college and medical debt forgiveness. But, as popular as these ideas may be in certain circles, he has no realistic plan for how to pass them through Congress. The result is that his campaign just looks like the same one he ran unsuccessfully in 2016 but with even less plausibility.

There are some people who really value Sanders’ refusal to change.

For loyal followers such as C.J. Petersen of Breda, Iowa, Sanders’s consistency merits support at the caucuses. “Senator Warren is fantastic,” the 29-year-old said. “But Bernie has been on these issues in the very beginning.”

But among Iowa Democrats who caucused for Bernie four years ago, more than half currently express an intention to go with Warren next year.

“I give [Sanders] tremendous credit for changing the conversation,” said Rod Sullivan, a Johnson County supervisor who introduced Sanders at a campaign stop in 2015 and now backs Warren. “We need to get that kind of stuff done and I think there’s a better way to get it done now. Last time was a binary choice and this time I think there are better messengers.”

Whatever his faults, Donald Trump understands the importance of entertainment in politics, and Sanders keeps offering people re-runs. If anything, his success in moving the party in his direction on a host of issues makes it even more imperative that he do something new to distinguish himself and keep people’s interest. But his idea of new is mainly non-topical. In some cases, Warren has simply agreed with him and offered similar proposals, which has neutered his effort to stand out.

Consistency can be a virtue if you’re right and everyone else is mostly wrong, and sometimes you can get credit for being ahead of the curve or not following the pack. But this was never going to enough to put Sanders over the top by itself, especially because there isn’t enough consensus in the party that Sanders has been right.

Personally, I think Sanders has done almost everything wrong in this second run for the presidency. And, yet, despite that, he began in such a strong position, with a large and loyal and generous base and army of volunteers, that he is still very much in the running.

I don’t think I could help him, even though I suspect he could still pull this out if he’d show more dexterity. But he will not change, and I don’t think any adviser could really convince him to change.

This is change election environment, and Warren just captures that mood much more effectively that he ever will.  At this point, I’d be shocked if she doesn’t emerge as the main rival to Biden, but it’s only because I can’t see Sanders knowing how to capitalize on what look like almost even odds at the moment.

He hasn’t won over any Clinton supporters or gained any trust from elected officials. He’s had four years to prepare and all the money he needs to attract good political advice, but he’s done basically nothing to expand his support or adjust to the specific challenges of a new campaign. In other words, he’s blowing it.

 

 

There’s Not Much Principled Objection to Trump from Fellow Republicans

Only a tiny handful of GOP members are retiring due to the president, and once they do no one principled will remain.

Rachael Bade of the Washington Post has written the latest iteration of a increasingly familiar analytical theme in American politics: Donald Trump is hurting the Republican Party in the suburbs.  There’s really no doubt about this observation, but Bade takes it one step further to argue that this development will prevent the Republicans from retaking the House of Representatives and is leading a lot GOP congresspeople to retire.

On this second point, Bade is keen to profile a few examples, most prominently Rep. Paul Mitchell of Michigan, who are expressly retiring out of frustration or disgust with their own president. While a tiny handful of Republicans have made clear at least obliquely that defending Trump’s behavior is a factor in their retirement, Bade lists out several others who are suspected of being motivated in that way. This leaves an unbalanced impression on the reader, in my opinion, where high principle plays too great a part in explaining why a higher than normal number of GOP officeholders are hanging it up to spend more time with their family. More often, simple distaste for serving in the minority is the driving factor. In other cases, the House Republicans’ self-imposed term limits on leading committees is removing the last compensation for serving in the minority.  In still other cases, retirement is driven by polling data that shows a congressperson’s seat is no longer safe in this environment. They’re not willing to risk the indignity of defeat.

Some of these retirements are happening in blood red districts and won’t have any perceptible impact on who controls the House after the 2020 elections. But retirements in competitive seats will indeed make it harder for the Republicans to take away Nancy Pelosi’s gavel. The problem for the Republican Party is that Trump doesn’t have a strategy that fits with any sensible strategy to win the lower chamber.

For Trump, he would like to win as many suburban votes as possible and he will fight for them. But his winning formula can be described in fairly simple terms. He will win if he gains more votes in rural and small-town areas than he loses in the suburbs. The worse he does in the suburbs, the harder his task, but he can already be certain that his suburban performance in 2020 will be inferior to his 2016 performance. For this reason, victory is dependent on making small-town/rural white America vote for him at an even higher rate than 2016. This is why he keeps to themes that racially polarize the electorate and that hit on social, cultural, and economic insecurities people feel in overwhelmingly white communities.

The result is hard to achieve both because he came close to maxing out his support in these areas four years ago and because every vote he wins there is likely to be offset by another lost suburban vote. The strategy doesn’t work for House Republicans because they already own almost every one of these types of districts, so they don’t gain any benefit simply by carrying them by even larger margins.

However, the strategy can work for Senate seats because those are chosen by a statewide electorate. This is why the GOP won competitive Senate seats in 2016 and 2018 even while losing House seats.

What results is a Senate where the Republicans remain fairly static in their makeup, but a House that becomes a world all of its own. Basic natural selection wiped out Blue Dog Democrats in the 2010-2014 period, and it is now wiping out suburban Republicans. The threat for statewide Republicans running for Senate or governor is that the suburbs will reach a tipping point where the GOP reaches the same pariah state it enjoys in major urban centers like New York City and San Francisco. The same problem in reverse happened to the Democratic Party in 2016 and gave us a shocking Trump victory.

Insofar as members of the GOP really are retiring from Congress out of disgust for the president, that is leaving Congress bereft of Republicans who have principled objections to his style and actions. When people say that Trump is molding the party in his own image, this is what they actually mean.

Some Advice for Democrats Unsure of How to Deal With Trump

The goal is to make this as unspecific to Trump as possible. It’s not whether he did or did not do something as much as it’s about asserting what a president cannot do.

Reading this Washington Post article on the “Democrats in disarray” was quite a depressing experience. The piece concludes with the following quote from short-time presidential candidate Eric Swalwell of California who sits on the House Intelligence Committee:

“As president, he just overwhelms us,” lamented Rep. Eric Swalwell (D-Calif.), a former 2020 presidential candidate. “I mean, you’ve got kids in cages — we’re trying to deal with that. We’ve got the continued mass shootings, and he won’t help us with that. And then you’ve got the urgency of this [oversight]. So, I mean, it’s really just kind of, where do you prioritize your resources and your time?”

Maybe it’s just me but I don’t think people are inclined to follow leaders who freely admit being overwhelmed and having no real idea of what to do. The same can said for political parties.

So, I have a solution.

The Democrats in Congress should follow a very basic and easy to understand strategy.

1. Declare that the president has committed and is committing many impeachable offenses and provide a list with brief explanations for each charge.
2. Consolidate these investigations into a special committee under the leadership of Judiciary Chairman Jerry Nadler, but also including other key chairpersons like Richard Neal of Ways & Means, Maxine Waters of Financial Services, Adam Schiff of the Intelligence, Adam Smith of Armed Services and Eliot Engel of Foreign Affairs.
3. Use the special committee’s hearings to bring in legislative and constitutional experts to explain and build the case for why Trump’s crimes violate statutes and the separation of powers in the Constitution.
4. Ask the public to demand that the Republicans lend support to their efforts to remove the president from office based on their findings.
5. Hold a debate in the House on each of the charges.
6. Vote to impeach the president.
7. Demand a trial in the Senate.
8. If that trial is denied, tell the American people that the only remaining solution is to vote Trump and as many congressional Republicans as possible out of office.
9. If a trial is held and Trump is acquitted, then make the same argument as above.
10. Campaign hard in 2020.

The Democrats need to keep it simple and not going chasing every new squirrel that appears. Trump doesn’t need to be removed because he puts children in cages or solicits electoral help from foreign powers or for any other distinct cause. He needs to be removed to protect our system of government. So, the system of government is the plaintiff here. The crimes are offenses against the plaintiff. We should not be debating Trump’s sex life or who stayed at his golf resorts. We should be explaining that the president cannot violate treaties, ignore congressional subpoenas, suborn perjury, obstruct justice, violate the Emoluments Clause, make illegal appointments, blow off the statutory language of laws, engage in bribery and extortion and corrupt the pardon process. He cannot commit campaign finance crimes, withhold foreign aid for personal profit, engage in criminal conspiracies, or use the organs of state to financially intimidate the free press.

What matters is that atrocities are documented, but each atrocity doesn’t need to be exhaustively documented and every crime doesn’t have to be fully examined, especially because the president makes that impossible.

At the end of the process, there should be a list of things that Congress is on the record insisting that the president cannot do. This is more for future presidents than for Trump. If the best we can do is have the House of Representatives on the record as saying many of Trump’s actions are impeachable offenses, that will still be powerful even if the Senate acquits. Of course, the people have to do their part too. They have to vote Trump out next year along with many Republicans in Congress. If they do, then the acquittal won’t carry as much weight as the impeachment.

In a way, the goal is to go after Trump by making this as unspecific to Trump as possible. It’s not whether he did or did not do something as much as it’s about asserting what a president cannot do.

Set that marker down, and let the chips fall where they may.