The 2020 election will be unlike any other in history. We still don’t know how restricted the presidential candidates will be in their ability to campaign, but we won’t be seeing the same competing national tours of campaign rallies we’ve grown accustomed to in recent decades. It might wind up resembling the kinds of elections we had prior to 1932.
To understand what I mean, we need to look at how 1932 changed everything. It was the first time an incumbent president did anything like a modern campaign. Herbert Hoover and Franklin Roosevelt delivered an unprecedented number of speeches–over 100 each. Moreover, for the first time radio played a major role, as over 12 million Americans owned one by that time. This meant that the speeches had to be both more varied and more consistent than in the past. No longer could candidates deliver the same stump speech over and over again with minor variations, as this would have bored the mass media audience. Yet, it also became harder to tell one audience one thing and another audience something contradictory.
Hoover was forced out of the White House an onto the trail by the urgency of the Great Depression. The size of the cataclysm demanded a forceful response and an active campaign. Hoover didn’t win the messaging war, but he knew enough to wage it. Many of his appearances did not go well, as he was often greeting with outright hostility. And when it was over, no incumbent president would ever seek reelection again without traveling around the country and actively asking for people’s vote.
Certainly, President Trump would not be an exception to this if he had his druthers. He enjoys campaigning more than governing, and his strategy was built around using rallies as a way to raise money, harvest information about the electorate, and organize supporters for Election Day. He’s already had to rejigger an app his campaign built for these rallies so that it can be used by people at home on their couches.
His challenger, Joe Biden, is accustomed to the same kind of campaigning, but he’s self-isolating in his Delaware home. As Maggie Haberman notes in the New York Times, most Democratic strategists are fine with Biden staying there “so long as Mr. Trump is fumbling as he governs amid a crisis.” If the election is nothing but a referendum on Trump and the condition of the country, “someone else” is going to win in a romp.
The Republicans understand this, but there’s not much they can do to change it.
As they look for ways to regain the advantage, some Republicans believe the party must mount an immediate ad campaign blitzing Mr. Biden, identifying him to their advantage and framing the election as a clear choice.
“If Trump is the issue, he probably loses,” said Mr. [Charles R.] Black [a veteran Republican consultant]. “If he makes it about Biden and the economy is getting better, he has a chance.”
The problem is that Trump only excels in politics in one area, and that’s that ability to monopolize attention and keep the conversation focused on what he’s doing. Trying to make the election all about Biden wouldn’t play to his strengths and it would also go against every instinct he has. He’s not even capable of receding into the background so that someone else can become the main actor on the stage.
Yet, the tools in his arsenal are limited by the pandemic and the need for persistent social distancing. His efforts to use daily health briefings as a substitute for campaign rallies have now resulted in predictable disaster, as the nation mocks him for recommending we all inject disinfectant. For now, he’s going to stop appearing daily and certainly not for several hours a day, at the urging of every sentient Republican strategist and officeholder in the country.
There’s no obvious substitute for these performances, however, so he will probably resume them. But that’s campaigning from the White House, which is what presidents prior to Hoover did and none since found adequate.
In reality, the campaign will be held mostly in virtual space, which will minimize the significance of being locked down in the White House or in Delaware, but it will still look more like a 19th or early-20th century campaign than a modern one. Biden might still give 100 speeches, yet there’s no obvious need for him to do this. The election will be a referendum on Trump whether Biden likes it or not, and with any luck it will turn out the same as it did in 1932.