I don’t think Jeff Flake has a strong record of being correct about things, and I suspect he’s wrong about this:

Former Sen. Jeff Flake (R., Ariz.) said if Mr. Biden were elected president and the Republicans held onto the Senate majority, there would be a sufficient number of Republicans willing to work with the Democratic administration.

Mr. Flake said he expected Mr. Biden and Senate Majority Leader Mitch McConnell (R., Ky.), who served together in the Senate for decades and worked together when Mr. Biden was vice president, to be able to compromise.

He said the party’s left flank was likely to pressure Mr. Biden, but added, “Joe Biden, of anybody that’s running, is well equipped to handle this kind of thing. He’s a creature of the Senate, he knows how to negotiate.”

A more interesting (and plausible) thought experiment involves contemplating how the Republicans will react if Biden wins the presidency and the Republicans lose the Senate. In that case, there will the legislative filibuster to consider, and it will be relevant to both sides. In that scenario, the Republicans would have no power at all if the legislative filibuster were eliminated, so they’d have an incentive to cooperate just enough to make it difficult for the Democrats’ to get rid of it. Yet, Mitch McConnell isn’t known for cooperation, and it’s very hard for Republicans to work with Democrats without getting punished by their own media organs and their own primary voters. Even more problematic, the Republicans most likely to cross the aisle will be the ones that just lost their seats.

Still, there’s at least a chance that Biden could push through some modestly bipartisan legislation with the filibuster still in place. It will be a pyrrhic victory, however, because the larger effect would be to kill any truly ambitious legislation. He’d probably be trading a couple of decent bills and some good news cycles for the loss of his honeymoon period without truly transformative change. It makes much more sense to simply eliminate the GOP as a barrier to action.

If he does that, however, he’ll lose a natural brake on the demands of the left and discover that his veto pen is the only restraint on legislation that might cause a significant political backlash. To protect him from those types of decisions, a pro-Biden faction will develop within the Democratic Caucus with the responsibility to protect the administration from the progressives’ ambitions which might be too heedless of the politics. The point at which the progressive wish list passes from righteous to suicidal will be debated, and it’s quite possible that the Biden faction will be overly cautious, but there is an actual dividing line.

The point of winning elections is always to exercise power, not simply to protect it so that you can win the next election, but we saw in 2010 how a president’s freedom of action can be taken away in one bad midterm election. Many progressives are issues-oriented and don’t have the responsibility for keeping a majority, so they’re not going to restrain themselves. All of this makes it likely that the Democratic Party will become fractious if the Republicans lose all their power to obstruct. It’s more comfortable for everyone if any limitations on what can be done legislatively is imposed from without than from within.

But these are problems that we should welcome, because they’re so much better than what we’re dealing with now or would face in a second Trump term.

I do believe that Biden has genuine Republican friends in Congress, and I think he can probably make that work for him in some limited cases, but he’s going to be better off by a mile if he’s fighting with his left flank than if he’s fighting with Mitch McConnell.