The progressives in Minnesota are ecstatic. For the first time in a decade, the Minnesota Democratic–Farmer–Labor Party has control of the governor’s office and both chambers of the legislature, and it did not disappoint.
DFL lawmakers before final votes were cast celebrated that they had checked off everything on their wish list.
Among the bills on that initial agenda: codifying abortion rights; setting a new carbon-free electricity benchmark; free breakfast and lunch for all children in school; a state-run paid family and medical leave program; gun regulations; expanding voter access to the polls and much more.
Democrats also said OK to legalizing recreational marijuana for adults 21 and older.
…Lawmakers worked through the weekend to wrap up the remaining pieces of the next two-year budget, which is a 38% increase in state spending over the current biennium. Part of that includes a tax bill with $3.3 billion in cuts targeted at low- and middle-income Minnesotans, including one-time rebate checks for an estimated 2.5 million households.
Nearly all of the $17.5 billion budget surplus that lined the state’s bank account at the beginning of session is accounted for.
Colorado progressives, on the other hand are weeping bitterly. Of course, everything started well.
Defying expectations of a red wave, voters in November instead strengthened Democrats’ control of Colorado’s state government, re-electing Governor Jared Polis in a blowout, expanding his party’s margins in both houses of the legislature, and further undercutting a diminished GOP’s ability to block progressive change.
So, what went wrong?
The record of the 2023 legislative session in Colorado, which ended May 8, has led to profound frustration—boiling into public view—from more progressive-leaning lawmakers and state advocates who regret missed opportunities to pass headlining liberal policies.
Democratic legislation to allow cities to establish safe drug-use sites or rent control programs failed, as did proposals to ban assault weapons and install new protections for gig economy workers. Earlier this month, in the session’s final days, a pro-tenant bill meant to thwart evictions in which landlords haven’t proved cause to evict withered alongside a bill to study the idea of moving Colorado to single-payer health care system.
One factor is that Minnesota Gov. Tim Walz is more of a cheerleader for progressive legislation than Colorado Gov. Jared Polis. It’s also worth noting that Minnesota is catching up to Colorado when it comes to liberalizing cannabis policy. On the whole, though, Minnesota’s agenda just looks more popular. Low and middle-income families get a tax cut, free food for their children at school and a new state-run family leave program. That certainly trumps legislation making it harder to evict people who don’t pay their rent and creating places for opioid users to safely shoot up.
It remains to be seen which state will create a bigger political backlash, but my money’s on Colorado because they largely failed to deliver on their agenda which was far more popular among progressive activists than among the electorate as a whole. That leaves the Colorado Democratic Party losing coming and going, while Mineesota’s DFL seems to have passed their dream list of legislation, most of which is broadly popular even among their natural opponents.
Years (decades) ago I had the opportunity to do some work with a big (3,000 member) union local at General Electric. The union had a vigorous internal (and external) political life and the progressives were in charge. They published their own weekly newspaper and every single story on the front page was about bread-and-butter news that affected their members: contract negotiation updates, health and safety issues in the plant, what was happening with the international union and with other locals. Other stories (community coalitions, political issues outside the plant, etc.) were inside.
The president once told me why (paraphrasing): “The ‘business unionism’ faction controlled the local 15 years ago, and after a bitter fight, the progressives won an election and took charge. For the next 3 years, national and international (apartheid in South Africa, the ‘contras’ in Nicaragua, etc.) politics was on the front page of our newspaper. At the next election, we got thrown out of power. It taught us that our members elect us first and foremost to look out for their interests. If we do that, we can do other progressive things as well. If we don’t do that, we won’t be able to accomplish anything.”
It wasn’t all bad for legislation in Colorado. 32 ways Democrats changed Colorado in the 2023 legislative session – Axios Denver
But yes, Democrats should be able to turn their electoral strength into big legislative wins. The enemies of progressive policy turned out to be Colorado Democrats – Colorado Newsline
I think what it comes down to is that even though on the surface Colorado looks like a blue state, it is still very mixed. Polis has been good at winning elections and he does have some progressive impulses, but he is also strikes me as a careful politician who grasps the different constituencies.
I’m not too clear about the makeup of Minnesota.
Problem is you have these “progressives” from overwhelming Democratic urban areas pushing their unpopular left-wing agendas and expecting Democrats from marginal districts to go along with their lefty B.S.
Thanks for your comment. The question I have is: if that’s the case, why are the results so different? Are “progressives” in Minneapolis and St. Paul that different from “progressives” in Denver and Boulder? And if so, why?