George Lakoff’s take on Sarah Palin

George puts the Palin pick in context and points a way to an effective response.  Will Obama take it?

The Palin Choice and the Reality of the Political Mind

George Lakoff
The Huffington Post,  September 2, 2008

Election campaigns matter because who gets elected can change reality. But election campaigns are primarily about the realities of voters’ minds, which depend on how the candidates and the external realities are cognitively framed. They can be framed honestly or deceptively, effectively or clumsily. And they are always framed from the perspective of a worldview.

The Obama campaign has learned this. The Republicans have long known it, and the choice of Sarah Palin as their vice presidential candidate reflects their expert understanding of the political mind and political marketing. Democrats who simply belittle the Palin choice are courting disaster. It must be taken with the utmost seriousness.

The Democratic response so far is a mixed bag at best, but there are effective responses available. More below the fold.

The Democratic responses so far reflect external realities: she is inexperienced…about foreign policy or national issues; she is really an anti-feminist…; she shills for the oil and gas industry on drilling; she denies the scientific truths of global warming and evolution; she misuses her political authority; she opposes sex education and her daughter is pregnant; and, rather than being a maverick, she is on the whole a radical right-wing ideologue.

All true, so far as we can tell.

But such truths may nonetheless be largely irrelevant to this campaign. That is the lesson Democrats must learn. They must learn the reality of the political mind.

The Obama campaign has done this very well so far. The convention events and speeches were orchestrated both to cast light on external realities, traditional political themes, and to focus on values at once classically American and progressive: empathy, responsibility both for oneself and others, and aspiration to make things better both for oneself and the world. Obama did all this masterfully in his nomination speech, while replying to, and undercutting, the main Republican attacks.

But the Palin nomination changes the game. The initial response has been to try to keep the focus on external realities…the “issues,”… But the Palin nomination is not basically about external realities and what Democrats call “issues,” but about the symbolic mechanisms of the political mind — the worldviews, frames, metaphors, cultural narratives, and stereotypes. The Republicans can’t win on realities. Her job is to speak the language of conservatism, activate the conservative view of the world, and use the advantages that conservatives have in dominating political discourse.

Our national political dialogue is fundamentally metaphorical, with family values at the center of our discourse. There is a reason why Obama and Biden spoke so much about the family, the nurturant family, with caring fathers and the family values that Obama put front and center in his Father’s day speech: empathy, responsibility and aspiration. Obama’s reference in the nomination speech to “The American Family” was hardly accidental, nor were the references to the Obama and Biden families as living and fulfilling the American Dream. Real nurturance requires strength and toughness, which Obama displayed in body language and voice in his responses to McCain. The strength of the Obama campaign has been the seamless marriage of reality and symbolic thought.

The Republican strength has been mostly symbolic. The McCain campaign is well aware of how Reagan and W won — running on character: values, communication, (apparent) authenticity, trust, and identity — not issues and policies. That is how campaigns work, and symbolism is central.

Lakoff titles the first chapter of The Political Mind “Anna Nicole on the Brain” and makes the point that you cannot understand how US politics works unless you can understand the phenomenon of Anna Nicole Smith. He could as easily used Sara Palin to illustrate and now applies those insights to her role in the campaign.

Conservative family values are strict and apply via metaphorical thought to the nation: good vs. evil, authority, the use of force, toughness and discipline, individual (versus social) responsibility, and tough love. Hence, social programs are immoral because they violate discipline and individual responsibility. Guns and the military show force and discipline. Man is above nature; hence no serious environmentalism. The market is the ultimate financial authority, requiring market discipline. In foreign policy, strength is use of the force. In fundamentalist religion, the Bible is the ultimate authority; hence no gay marriage. Such values are at the heart of radical conservatism. This is how John McCain was raised and how he plans to govern. And it is what he shares with Sarah Palin.

Palin is the mom in the strict father family, upholding conservative values. Palin is tough: she shoots, skins, and eats caribou. She is disciplined: raising five kids with a major career. She lives her values: she has a Downs-syndrome baby that she refused to abort. She has the image of the ideal conservative mom: pretty, perky, feminine, Bible-toting, and fitting into the ideal conservative family. And she fits the stereotype of America as small-town America. It is Reagan’s morning-in-America image. Where Obama thought of capturing the West, she is running for Sweetheart of the West.

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At the same time, Palin is masterful at the Republican game of taking the Democrats’ language and reframing it — putting conservative frames to progressive words: Reform, prosperity, peace. She is also masterful at using the progressive narratives: she’s from the working class, working her way up from hockey mom and the PTA to mayor, governor, and VP candidate. Her husband is a union member. She can say to the conservative populists that she is one of them — all the things that Obama and Biden have been saying. Bottom-up, not top-down.

Yes, the McCain-Palin ticket is weak on the major realities. But it is strong on the symbolic dimension of politics that Republicans are so good at marketing. Just arguing the realities, the issues, the hard truths should be enough in times this bad, but the political mind and its response to symbolism cannot be ignored. The initial Democratic response to Palin — the response based on realities alone — indicates that many Democrats have not learned the lessons of the Reagan and Bush years.

What the Obama campaign or some surrogate needs to do to turn the tables on the Republicans:  Appeal to the bi-conceptuals.  There is no “middle” between the conservatives and the liberals.  We only have two brain modes–the conservative, authoritarian, hierarchical family model and the progressive nutritive family model.  There are, however, lots of people who use one model on some things and the other model on others.  These are the “bi-conceptuals” and it is in their brains that the campaign will be won or lost.

They have not learned the nature of conservative populism. A great many working-class folks are what I call “bi-conceptual,” that is, they are split between conservative and progressive modes of thought. Conservative on patriotism and certain social and family issues, which they have been led to see as “moral,” progressive in loving the land, living in communities of care, and practical kitchen table issues like mortgages, health care, wages, retirement, and so on.

Conservative theorists won them over in two ways: inventing and promulgating the idea of “liberal elite” and focusing campaigns on social and family issues. They have been doing this for many years and have changed a lot of brains through repetition. Palin will appeal strongly to conservative populists, attacking Obama and Biden as pointy-headed, tax-and-spend, latte liberals. The tactic is to divert attention from difficult realities to powerful symbolism.

What Democrats have shied away from is a frontal attack on radical conservatism itself as an un-American and harmful ideology. I think Obama is right when he says that America is based on people caring about each other and working together for a better future — empathy, responsibility (both personal and social), and aspiration. These lead to a concept of government based on protection (environmental, consumer, worker, health care, and retirement protection) and empowerment (through infrastructure, public education, the banking system, the stock market, and the courts). Nobody can achieve the American Dream or live an American lifestyle without protection and empowerment by the government. The alternative, as Obama said in his nomination speech, is being on your own, with no one caring for anybody else, with force as a first resort in foreign affairs, with threatened civil liberties and a right-wing government making your most important decisions for you. That is not what American democracy has ever been about.

What is at stake in this election are our ideals and our view of the future, as well as current realities. The Palin choice brings both front and center. Democrats, being Democrats, will mostly talk about the realities nonstop without paying attention to the dimensions of values and symbolism. Democrats, in addition, need to call an extremist an extremist: to shine a light on the shared anti-democratic ideology of McCain and Palin, the same ideology shared by Bush and Cheney. They share values antithetical to our democracy. That needs to be said loud and clear, if not by the Obama campaign itself, then by the rest of us who share democratic American values.

The Obama campaign appears to know what it is doing when it comes to basic framing of the campaign.  The real question is if they can counter the Republican use of symbols and if they can or will convincingly portray the attitudes of McCain and Palin as the extreme views that they are.  If the field of Ideas or Worldviews is left for the Republicans alone to define, the Democrats will almost certainly loose.

The Obama Campaign could do far worse than to hire Lakoff as a master consultant and listen to him.  An alternative would be to match Lakoff with a campaign operative such as James Carvele and a source of funding, such as Move On or some 526 organization.

‘A Piece of Greased String’ and the Democrats

Today Obama introduced his running mate, Joe Biden.  In that introduction Obama seemed to show that he has learned how to make a Democratic stump speech and deliver it with passion. Twice he attacked Bush and McCain for their “bluster” over the Russian response to Georgia. Then he turned the mic over to Biden, who went on to praise McCain but then say that we needed more than a good soldier, we need a wise leader.  Both made effective attacks on McCain in his area of perceived strength.  

This was the second positive development in as many days.  Yesterday, (Friday, 8-22-’08,) conservative commentator Pat Buchanan wrote an opinion piece, And None Dare Call It Treason that appeared on Yahoo news, among other places.  In this piece Buchanan, who has impeccable conservative credentials dating back to the Nixon Administration,(Nattering Nabobs of Negativism” was his line,) accused McCain’s chief foreign policy advisor, Randy Scheunemamm, of Treason:  

“He is a dual loyalist, a foreign agent whose assignment is to get America committed to spilling the blood of her sons for client regimes who have made this moral mercenary a rich man.”

A better placed and more forceful messenger than Pat Buchanan would be hard to find.  He appears on half of the political talk shows originating from the US east coast.  Now the Democrats have to have the courage to pick up this bludgeon and use it on McCain.  Then maybe their ticket will have a chance.  (More below the fold)
When I was a teenager I belonged to a chapter of the Masonic youth organization, DeMolay, in Shidler, Oklahoma.  For several years we had the state champion team for the Installation of Officers ceremony and traveled across the state by car to perform installations.  On one of these trips the subject of gang fights arose, probably from media coverage, as there was no gang problem in rural Oklahoma in the 50s.  Every one was stating their preference for what weapon they would prefer in a gang fight, knife, chain, club…  Before I said anything the advisor, who was driving spoke:

“You know what I would recommend you choose?” He asked.

“What!” We all responded.

“A piece of greased string.” He said.

“A piece of greased string! Why would you want that?”
We asked.

“So that when they take it away from you and cram it up your ass, it won’t hurt so much!”  He responded.  End of discussion.

Since November of 2006 that seems to have described the attitude of the Democrats in Congress.  While the Bush Administration has conducted a systematic assault on the Constitution and the Bill of Rights, attempted to produce a Permanent Republican Majority by intimidating the lobbyists into only supporting Republicans and began asserting doctrines appropriate to Absolutist Monarchies of the 18th Century, such as The President Can Do No Wrong, the Democrats were afraid to challenge them for fear of having any challenge turned against them.  Their preferred weapon has been the piece of greased string.  That is a strategy for survival, not for victory.  Perhaps this will now change.

During the primaries my favorite candidates were Biden,  Dodd and Richardson.  I didn’t think any could win the nomination and so I hoped for Edwards.  Good that I didn’t get my wish!  I preferred Hillary over Barack.  I liked Barack, liked his style and oratory, but was dismayed by his campaign’s disdain of specifics and was afraid that he might be too high minded to win the Presidency.  I feared that he would be the perfect candidate to win the nomination and then, again, loose the race.  He seemed to lack passion and toughness.  But he did appeal to independents, many Republicans and some Libertarians.

Fortunately, my concern and that of others of like mind for the survival of even the forms of democratic government in the USA have been shared by people across the spectrum: Pat Buchanan, as cited above, Susan Eisenhower, Larry Hunter, Lincoln Chafee, Jim Leach, Doug Kmeic and many other lifelong Republicans have endorsed Obama out of concern and alarm at the direction the country has taken.  Tom Bernstein, classmate at Yale and co-owner of the Texas Rangers with Bush and Matthew Dowd, Bush’s chief campaign strategist in 2004 have both come out for Obama. CEO Scott Flanders of libertarian publisher R. C. Hoiles supports Obama.  

All of these support Obama out of deep concern for the direction of the country and the dire consequences of another four years with Rove and/or his proteges will seal our doom in an Orwellian state.  But it is still necessary that the Obama campaign confront McCain and the Bush Administration over Bush’s attacks on the Constitution and the Bill of Rights, their policy of endless war waged for purposes of domestic political advantage, their looting of the economy and, therefore, McCain’s embrace of G. W. Bush.

What is it to be, the piece of greased string that Denny and Nancy have put forward or the cudgel provided by Buchanan and the support of patriotic Republicans and Libertarians?  I think I know what Joe will do.  What about Barack?  He must be able either to find the necessary toughness within or to borrow enough from Joe Biden to do what he must in order to win.  This is not a case of ends justifying means.  The means can only be justified in terms of the ends they produce.  There can be no justification for a McCain victory.

Campaign reform: Fixing the Rot at the Core

The US Senate has passed a housing bill Saturday which now will go to the White House. It could have passed Thursday, but Senators refused to accept loss of a favorite feeding trough.  Senator Jim DeMint plays hero.

Sen. Jim DeMint, R-S.C., delayed the final vote because Democrats refused to allow him a vote on a proposal to ban the companies from lobbying or making political donations to lawmakers.

“We can’t have the people who are supposed to watch over these organizations getting money from these organizations,” DeMint said. “At least if we’re going to ask the American taxpayer to be on the hook for billions, possibly trillions of dollars, let’s stop this.”

Shining light into the heart of darkness!  Every dog shall have his day!

Two recent events brightly illuminate the scope of the problem in Washington.  Former Sen. Fritz Hollings (D-S.C.) has a new book called MAKING GOVERNMENT WORK, and Nicole Sexton, a longtime Republican fundraiser and former Director of Finance for the National Republican Senatorial Committee, has published a fictionalized account of political fundraising, Party Favors.
Hollings view as a former Democratic Senator

(See bio sketch.)

Bill Moyers Journal, July 25, 2008, PBS

BILL MOYERS: …. The two mortgage giants, (Fannie Mae and Freddie Mac,) survived scandal and crisis over the years by spending nearly $200 million on lobbying and campaign contributions. We’ve posted on our website a story by Politico’s Lisa Lair, on how insiders helped Fannie and Freddie stave off scrutiny and avoid taxes even as their top executives pulled down multi-million dollar paychecks. THE NEW YORK TIMES also reported, bluntly, that “their rapid expansion was, at least in part, the result of artful lobbying.” What a lovely term: ‘artful lobbying.’…I talked with FRITZ HOLLINGS: at a Senate office building on Capitol Hill just before his book party.

BILL MOYERS: Why did you write this book now?

FRITZ HOLLINGS: I wrote the book because I could see what was wrong. I was raising money. I wasn’t running for reelection.

BILL MOYERS: As a senator in your last term.

FRITZ HOLLINGS: As a senator in the last two or three years that’s all I was doing was raising money. And working for the campaign and for the party. The hardest working people in the world are the congressmen and senators. We work from early morning ’til late at night and all weekend and everything else. But we are working now, not for the country, but for the campaign.

BILL MOYERS: What do you mean?

FRITZ HOLLINGS: All the time is fundraisers. All the time is money, money, money, money. In 1998, ten years ago, I ran and had to raise 8 an a half million. The record is there. Eight and a half million is 30,000 a week. Every week for six years.

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BILL MOYERS: What do you mean, it’s not working? You say you can’t get anything done in Washington anymore. What’s not getting done?

FRITZ HOLLINGS: Legislation. Anything meaningful. They fill up the tree both sides, it’s nothing wrong with Harry Reid or Mitch McConnell, they’re durn good leaders and they’re doing what the senators want done. And they’re all smart senators and they’re all responsible people. But they’re playing the game and the media hadn’t exposed. That’s why I wrote it. I’m trying to expose-

BILL MOYERS: The game? What’s the game?

FRITZ HOLLINGS: The game is money. I got to get the money to heck with constituents, I gotta get contributors.

FRITZ HOLLINGS: I’ve talked to the senators; you ask ’em, they know they’re not gettin’ anything done. And they grown men and they’re conscientious women and everything else, they’re outstanding. But they know that all they’re doing is on a money treadmill. That’s all it is.

BILL MOYERS: You write, “When I first came to the Senate 40 years ago, Senator Mansfield,” he was the majority leader then.

FRITZ HOLLINGS: Yessiree.

BILL MOYERS: “Had a vote every Monday morning to make sure”

FRITZ HOLLINGS: To get a quorum.

BILL MOYERS: “To get a quorum. And we worked until five o’clock on Friday every week.”

FRITZ HOLLINGS: That’s right. We didn’t go home on the weekends. We tried to get out Thursday afternoon or night or at least early Friday morning to go to the West Coast for fundraisers. That’s why Hollywood and that’s why Wall Street has got that much influence. I’m not going to South Carolina. They got no money for a Democrat. I have to travel all over the country.

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BILL MOYERS: A constant permanent campaign.

FRITZ HOLLINGS: That’s exactly what it is.

BILL MOYERS: Commercial television is the big winner in this because that’s where so much of the money goes.

FRITZ HOLLINGS: That’s right; the rich have got all the speech they want. The poor got lockjaw. He can’t articulate out onto the television. And-

BILL MOYERS: The poor can’t. They have no voice.

FRITZ HOLLINGS: Yeah, and that’s the trouble. They tell you, don’t go waste time and don’t go see people and everything. Get on television and get a little tricky television and everything else like that. All these artists have got all kinds of different ways and different things like that to bring up and tricks to play.

BILL MOYERS: The clear message is money has a stranglehold on our democracy.

FRITZ HOLLINGS: You gotta untie that money knot and then begin the government will begin to work.

BILL MOYERS: So, you conclude therefore, if we limit the money, Congress will have time to work for the country, rather than–

FRITZ HOLLINGS: The campaign. That’s exactly right.

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BILL MOYERS: What do you make of the fact, as you point out in your book, three days before the first presidential primary in Iowa; The New York Times listed the positions of all the candidates on eight important issues. Not one of them on trade or outsourcing of jobs.

FRITZ HOLLINGS: That’s right. And they came way out. We had, in South Carolina, since President George W. Bush has been in; we have lost 94,500 manufacturing a net loss. We’re getting’ some more jobs in BMW in Spartanburg, but a net loss. And they never mentioned it in the early Democratic primaries. They’re-

BILL MOYERS: Why?

FRITZ HOLLINGS: Because they gotta get the money.

BILL MOYERS: And who gives them the money?

FRITZ HOLLINGS: Wall Street, the banks, and business

BILL MOYERS Yeah, you say presidents negotiate trade agreements not to open markets, but to protect corporate America’s foreign investment. That’s how you see it.

FRITZ HOLLINGS: Well, I know it. I mean look at the Congress. Under article one, section 8, the Congress shall regulate. Not free-

BILL MOYERS: Regulate–

FRITZ HOLLINGS: Congress regulates trade both domestic and foreign.

BILL MOYERS: And you say in your book that Congress is not doing that.

FRITZ HOLLINGS: They can’t do it because they’ve gotta get the money. You put in a trade bill and down on your head comes THE WALL STREET JOURNAL and the big banks and The Business Round Table and The National Chamber of Commerce and the National Association of Manufactures they’re not for domestic. They’re for Chinese and Indian manufacturer even The National Chamber of Commerce is not worried about Main Street, Peoria, Illinois; Main Street, Shanghai.

You see, Henry Ford built up the middle class along with organized labor. He said I want the fellow making the car to be able to buy the car. So, he doubled the minimum wage. He put in health care and retirement costs and everything else of that kind, benefits. And so we had a good working relationship between labor and that– now, all of these trade agreements for the investors to protect their investment in China and India, but, uh-uh forget about labor.

Then a view from a Republican fundraiser.

There is wide-spread acknowledgment, even within the party itself, that the Republican brand is currently poisonous. Faced with massive losses in November, GOP leadership has green-lighted a save-yourself mentality, allowing its endangered members to go against the party line if it means helping their electoral chances.

“There is a phenomenal arrogance like a fog that has clouded people’s thinking and ability to see what is real,” said Nicole Sexton, a longtime Republican fundraiser and former Director of Finance for the National Republican Senatorial Committee. “We have to go down in history as some of the worst messengers. And President Bush has been horrible. Everything he does deems calculated and insincere. The same was true with Bill Clinton but he at least had the ability to seem sincere. With Bush, people are throwing stones and tomatoes at him [and he hasn’t changed].”

Sexton, the author of the new book, “Party Favors” (a fictionalized look at the life of a GOP fundraiser), offered a fairly dire assessment of the party in which she used to be a major figure. A native of New Orleans, much of her scorn was saved for Bush, who she derided for his ignorance of the scope Hurricane Katrina’s devastation.

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As the chief financial officer for the NRSC, Sexton did not put the blame for the GOP’s current problems strictly at Bush’s doorstep. She talked openly (later admitting that her former colleagues weren’t too pleased with her frankness) about how political figures she had once admired had become consumed by the prospect of reelection.

“We need some new blood in the party,” she said. “But the problem is that the younger candidates, like John Sununu, are real in danger of losing their seats.”

The GOP’s outreach is also aging. “We are a direct marketing and a direct mail party and that’s a dinosaur in the fundraising world,” she said. “Just look at our presidential candidates [this cycle]. Huckabee was the only one that came close to have an Internet presence like Obama. All his money came from the web and he was able to stay in the race till the final hour. Giuliani, I don’t know if he was seeing straight… For McCain to literally have imploded twice and still be the candidate is a phenomenal statement about the party.”

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She also grew wary of the role that fundraising played. Noting that politicians were spending disproportionate amounts of time raising cash, she called for the system to be scrapped in favor of caps on the amount candidates could raise as a whole (not to be confused with a cap on the size of the individual donations) and restrictions on the time period during which they could raise cash.

Now employed by the ONE Campaign, Sexton still is connected to, and eagerly following, the GOP. Before ending the interview she predicted that her party would lose five seats in the Senate this cycle — an optimistic estimate in a down year. She also projected that McCain would eventually best Obama though her admiration for the latter’s political prowess were clearly evident.

“Usually the youth will go to politically rallies and concerts and never show up and vote and they certainly never contributed” she said of the Illinois Democrat’s appeal to younger voters. “These people now are leaving college and giving to Obama. It is phenomenal. If you are giving up your beer money for three nights it means you are invested in the guy.”