BMT EPP: Our Progressive Platform pt. II

On Tuesday July 4th we took the first step in the Booman Tribune Electoral Politics Project with a call for comments building what I’m calling: Our Progressive Platform.

The entries were all well thought out and, thankfully for those of us trying to keep track…concise! This comment by Kahli garnered broad support and is a must read. Every entry, however, is a part of this open source collective effort and worth reading.

I want to open the floor to a “final call” for entries right now. Please feel free to add your comment listing your “Top Five” Progressive Platform Planks either in the original diary, or below. (For instructions and a good sample follow the links above.) For those interested in making an observation about the first wave of entries…read more below…

One thing that strikes me about our platform planks is how we have defined progressive as sitting at the juncture of several different schools of political thought, or movements:

First, you can read a distinct advocacy for economic policies that reflect social democracy, even if we didn’t often name it as such. Essentially, the views we BMT progressives espouse are very much in synch with the “socialist/post-socialist” political parties around the world. (Whether we can gets U.S. politicians to embrace the term, or even want to, is another question.) That is something to think about.

Second, there’s a forthright embrace of Green Politics and what we might call the movement for equitable globalism: sustainable agriculture, micro loans, anti-militarist national defense, and a pro-cooperative internationalism with its sights set on combatting global warming. That challenge…that inconvenient truth…according to our planks, is clearly the “global task at hand.”

Third, dovetailing with both of the above, there is a marked emphasis on science, education and national investments in technology.

Fourth, for lack of a better term, our platforms reflect what I’d call a “netroots populism:” (ie. populism informed and empowered by technology) our planks demostrate a strong advocacy of egalitarianism, meritocracy, election reform, a broad new definition of privacy rights and personal civil liberties for the information age, and sunshine provisions for government.

What’s interesting to me is how this junction of movements and ways of thinking is particular to the “online progressive movement” and not a reflection of traditional Democratic Party politics or liberalism or even what many progressives meant, exactly, by “progressive” not so long ago. It’s finding all four streams in one place which is remarkable.

What’s stiking here is that it seems that it is the freshness of our advocacy of Green policies, our pro-science, cooperative Globalism and, our own particular brand of Netroots Populism that seems to free us to make a renewed and unabashed case for Social Democracy. In old school terms Green meets Red but within the particular playing field of the internet. The streams are intermixing and, as they do so, evolving.

My question is whether this hybrid approach, this “meeting of the rivers” is what folks will ultimately decide to call: progressive politics in the 21st Century. (It had a very different meaning in its first guise.)

Or, are we at the cusp of something new? Will the rivers join and become one…perhaps with a new name?

BMT Electoral Politics Project: our Progressive Platform

We’ve had some interesting discussions kicking off the BMT Electoral Politics Project. The overall picture is one of deep skepticism about most electoral work for the Democratic party…and yet, in response after response…there’s also been a kind of determined engagement and perseverance on the part of members here. (The link will connect you to both sets of discussions.)

In the next phase of the “EPP”, the rubber starts to hit the road.

As I’ve mentioned previously, this will be the first of two posts in which I ask any and all BooTribbers for their Five Top Progressive Platform Planks.

I’ll be working with vieravisionary to try to chart your responses. Read below for a brief “set up” of how to make your list easier for us to track…
This will be the hardest of the “open mics” to chart and track since we are asking both for specific ideas and/or broad concepts. One person might simply have “issues” that form a Top Five Progressive Platform items…and another person might have five concepts or principles. Either approach is okay.

What I’d like to ask of you is three simple requests:

1). Whatever your platform planks, please number them and make them as “boiled down” and succinct as possible.

2). Whether you make “broad statements” or simply state specific goals, undertand that your choice of platforms items is entirely your own. (ie. you may suggest things that are deeply personal and specific or general and philosophical…either way, understand that what you choose will be understood as simply your choice.)

3). If at all possible, at the end of your “Platform Plank” include a parenthesis with your suggested “Tags” for that plank. ie. A Plank about Universal Health Care might have a tag that read (Health Care). A plank about Gay Marriage might have a tag that read (Civil Rights Gay Rights and Fairness.) This won’t be perfect, but it will help us sort your feedback…if that turns out to be possible!!

Editor’s Note: For a great example of how to keep your list short and use tags try this comment by ignorant bystander.

I want to make clear that this is NOT a scientific survey and I won’t be using your responses in a way that turns it around and concludes any “pat answers” from what gets listed. I don’t see this as an election….it’s the beginning of a discussion.

In particular, moving on to the next phases of the EPP…what we come up with here will be quite useful.

For example, next up will be an open-call for identifying Five Progressive Politicians or Leaders that each of us looks up to. Obviously, what Platforms we choose will influence those selections. After that, the next step will be a BooTribune-wide call out for the names of Candidates, Politicians, and Organizations that best work on Election Reform. After that, the issues we highlight in our Progressive Platform Planks will determine where we go from there.

At the end of the day, this discussion should provide a useful set of names and links for all of us. In particular, I’m very much hoping that this process will turn up new faces and names from the wide pool of local candidates and leaders.

Finally, if you are interested in joining vieravisionary and me in the “behind the scenes” tracking of responses…or, if you have a desire to create a Website clearinghouse for this project, please email me at kidoakland”at”comcast”dot”net.

So, on with the EPP!

Question Two: please list your Top Five Progressive Platform Planks below.

BMT EPP: Intro pt. II

Yesterday’s kick off of the BMT Electoral Politics Project is still getting comments. If you didn’t see it, or, like many East Coasters, it got posted too late for you…you should feel free to add to the discussion in that thread or create a new comment below.

Here’s the Question again:

As a progressive, how do you intersect with electoral politics? ie. What has your experience been with elections and candidates and what does electoral politics mean to you?

For a couple reflections and tommorrow’s question…see below!
It was very interesting to read how many BooTribbers have had negative experiences with electoral politics.

Kahli’s comment is worth some thought and discussion alone. Here’s someone who has worked very hard for a variety of electoral causes only to feel, on some level, burnt by the process. Does that resonate with you?

Further, ignorent bystander writes of the utter isolation of engaging with electoral politics someplace where an anti-Bush bumper sticker makes a major statement. Are there any other BooTribbers who can relate?

Finally, when NL in St Paul writes:

What the Dems did to Dean left a mark on me in terms of involvement in national politics. It stung me bad personally and I’m not sure what to do with it. I don’t trust most of our national leaders, but see the importance of getting Republicans out of control. For example, I’ve been hesitating getting involved in Amy Klobuchar’s senate campaign here in MN. On one level, I know she just has to beat Kennedy, but she seems pretty careful and does not seem to be speaking out clearly on the really important issues. So I’m on the fence now about all that.

It seems to strike a common nerve. Are there others here who feel the same way.

All in all, while it may well be a very good thing that we’re doing this project on BMT, it’s also clear that electoral politics is not eliciting “rosy” images for many here. What are your thoughts on this?

Now, tommorrow afternoon West Coast Time I’ll post Pt. 1 of the next step of this project. I’ll be asking Bootribbers for your top Five “Progressive Platform Planks.” You are free to determine whether these planks are Issues, statements of philosophy, or, as northcountry refers to them, “rubicons.”

Basically, I’m looking to understand how we judge candidates…and what we expect to be able to “vote for” when we enter the voting booth.

Please feel free to comment below, and, if you are interested in helping with this project behind the scenes…mostly compiling lists and links and boiling down the ideas that get generated here…feel free to email me at kidoakland”at”comcast”dot”net.

BMT Electoral Politics Project (or EPP): an Introduction

Booman Tribune is a self-defined progressive community.

That being said, there are probably as many different ways of approaching electoral politics represented in this community as there are users here.

Some of us come here from a background heavy in progressive issue activism (like the anti-war, civil rights and gay rights movements) and our intersection with electoral politics has been mainly through legislative pressure and protest. Some of us have spent years working diligently for third parties like the Green Party, or organizations like ACORN or the Sierra Club that often find themselves outside the traditional two-party zone. For some of us, the point of entry into electoral politics has been the issue of election reform…whether as a result of the 2000 presidential election or the more recent movement in opposition to electronic voting and the voter suppression of 2004. Others of us are mainstream Democratic progressive activists who’ve participated in the political movements that rose up in support of Howard Dean or MoveOn.org or in progressive labor politics. Finally, as progressives, many of us do not define our “politics” within traditional narrow channels: what’s “political” or “electoral” is even a subject of open debate. Getting real, most of us are some combination of the above.

This series is meant for the whole of the Booman Tribune community. It’s meant to be useful. It’s meant to be collaborative. What I’d like to do here is to provide a forum that can help us discuss how we progressive political activists here at BMT intersect with electoral politics. If you’re interested, please join me below…

Let me state the obvious.

Voting is important. Elections are important. Candidates and elected officials are important. The legislation our govenment passes and the regulations it enforces in many ways define the fabric of our lives. Our entire legal and governmental system begins and ends with what happens at the ballot box. Under our constituional form of government, elections define the playing field even though they respresent only the “beginning of the story.”

What I’d like to do with this series is open up a discussion of how we here at BMT intersect with electoral politics: ie. elections, candidates, platforms. Since this is the start of a series, I’d like to make clear that I am open-ended about how this project will play out. Within the limitations of addressing electoral politics, I want this project to be useful to as broad a segment of this community as possible.

There are, however, some rough goals that I have for this series:

A) I’d like to see us come up with a rough working definition of what “progressive” means for us when we apply it to candidates running for office in the U.S. political system. We may not agree on every point, but I think this kind of a “platform” discussion is worth having.

B) I’d like this series to help us identify candidates and elected officials from the national down to the local level who meet our BMT consensus about what “progressive politics” means.

C) I’d also like this series to provide a forum where we can identify candidates, elected officials and organizations who BEST represent progressive politics on specific issues. For example, as one goal of this project, I’d like to work with BooTribbers to identify candidates and elected officials who are our best allies in working for election reform. Other areas of focus might be the environment, or reproductive rights, or racial justice.

If there’s a guiding sensibility to this project for me, it’s this. In my experience writing online, the process of defining progressive politics has often essentially been negative and repetitive. Year after year, we have the same battles about “third parties” and “sell-out Dems”…about “single issue politics” and “the lesser of two evils.” And when it does come time to rally around candidates, strategies oriented around winning (which, is, of course, critical) tend to trump discussion of what our positive first principles are.

My goal with this project is to be positive and constructive…to seek affirmative answers to the questions we find important. What candidates, what elected officials best represent our views? What organizations best mobilize and intersect with the political system using our values? What is the common ground that we here at BMT can define to stake out what progressive means for us and how do we then communicate that progressive vision in the U.S. political system?

I don’t see this series so much as something I’m writing…as much as a discussion forum/research project that we are collaborating on. (That is, of course, if people choose to participate.) Hopefully this can be a project that will generate some defined content useful for all of us…ie. lists and links…and provide an interesting and relevant discussion in that process.

Ultimately, these posts will form a kind of database that we all can use for future reference. For this process to truly succeed, however, will involve all of us contributing more than just opinions. This series comes with the header: some research required. (If you’re interested in helping me with this project as we go forward or have links to other efforts of this sort, feel free to email me at kidoakland”at”comcast”dot”net.)

Finally, I want to be clear that I can anticipate that for many readers here, discussion of elections AT ALL is impossible to do outside of the context of discussing election reform and verified voting. My hope is that this series will provide a context to do just that. I think we can all agree that identifying the candidates, officials and organizations that are most effectively fighting for election reform is a critical step. Whether it’s a potential “national leader” on this issue, like Debra Bowen who is the Democratic candidate for California Secretary of State, or a local county election official in your home town, we all can agree that identifying and compiling these names is an important part of the process of making real change.

So, let’s begin at the most general point, with an open ended question.

Question: As a progressive, how do you intersect with electoral politics? ie. What has your experience been with elections and candidates and what does electoral politics mean to you? What are your thoughts about this subject?

::::

(Ed. note/heads up: The next piece will be asking for the “Top Five” (or so) planks of your progressive political platform. The piece following that will ask for your “Top Five” (or so) progressive elected officials or candidates. And the piece following that will be an open call asking for the names of your “Top Five” progressive candidates, elected officials and organizations working on election reform.)

Copa do Mundo

I’ve been catching World Cup noontime matches at my current favorite place to watch a soccer game…a little Ethiopian restaurant here in North Oakland called the ‘Red Sea.’

There’s a cafe/bar to one side of the building with a TV high up in one corner. The sun comes blazing in off Claremont Avenue. The door opens and closes with new arrivals and the patrons inside welcome the occasional curious passerby. For some games the scene is packed with people (games with Brazil or the Netherlands tend to draw a crowd.) For others, it’s a quieter affair…and I might be the only one present who is not a ‘regular’…
There’s something about a soccer match…a specific aural quality. Crowd noise, the constant chatter of the announcers, the free flowing commentary that soccer fans offer up in parallel to the match. Horns. Cheers. Chants. Groans. In soccer anything can happen at any time, hence the need to orient oneself with one’s ears to the developing action. Soccer is, more than any sport, propelled by waves of sound.

It’s almost as if a soccer match is something that happens ‘to you.’ Nothing might happen. Anything might happen. There are long periods of stasis broken by moments of sudden decisiveness. Goals, and, in particular, spectacular goals have a kind of affront, a kind of shock. The constant flow of play generates an intense level of attentiveness and fascination. To steal a quote from Danny Blanchflower, courtesy of Ronnie Wolman, a Toronto Textile Man:

“Football is about glory, it is about doing things in style and with a flourish, about going out and beating the lot, not waiting for them to die of boredom.”

And at the Red Sea, wedged into positions where we can view that corner TV, there’s a kind of loose fraternity in support of the beautiful game. We applaud goals by either team. We offer knowing smiles when a particular act of cunning or cowardice determines the outcome of events. And in this, we are like so many millions….hundreds of millions…who are doing the same thing on every continent on Earth. We are part of a simultaneous multitude…a tremendous coincidence of focus and wonderment.

Long after the national teams of most of the world have been left behind, people the world over still watch the World Cup. At the Red Sea it is no different. At times, there is a broader meaning to the match. When Patrick Vieira, a French player of Senegalese birth, faced down the racist Spanish coach, Luis Aragones…and then produced the winning goal for France…it was a gesture heard round the world. Those who saw that moment and understood its import will never forget the look on Vieira’s face. Here was a man who was willing to put his dignity on the line and then, of course, he delivered. That match will get talked about for decades.

There’s a reason so much of the world roots for Brazil…propels them, almost, into the finals of successive World Cups. It’s not simply that Brazil plays the beautiful game in the most beautiful manner. It’s also that Brazil, like the racially diverse French side, represents “the world” in its make up. Brazil represents the dream, the aspiration of how the game should be played: with joy and passion. Of course, there are, aside from aberrations like Aragones, truly no “good guys” and “bad guys” at the World Cup. Soccer fans in general, despite their intense affiliations, love the game more than they love a particular outcome.

As the tournament inexorably narrows its focus to teams from fewer and fewer nations, world-wide interest in the matches only increases. Fans from nations left behind find a way to root for one team or the other. And, at the end of the draw when it comes down to the final two nations, there is no place to watch the World Cup final like someplace surrounded by other life-long fans caught up in the action. Love of the game, the desire to see a truly great match, to see a drama played out live before the world, creates a kind of unity and fellow feeling. Quite literally, the whole world is watching.

Sitting in my seat along the back wall at the Red Sea, I feel priveleged to take in the spectacle with so many neighbors, most of them East African, who have come so far to make their homes, like me, under the California sun. There’s something human about the World Cup, something that strikes a common chord. Soccer may be just a game with fans like any other, but watching the World Cup does not feel like any other sporting event. For ninety minutes, in giving ourselves to the match at hand, we share something simple with so many around the globe. We make a memory, we share a spectacle. For one brief moment, we are quite simply ‘in this together’.

There’s a lesson there somewhere, and a reason for hope.

open source politics

We’ve come a long way from the heady moment that gave rise to this August 2003 interview between prominent internet theorist Lawrence Lessig and then Howard Dean campaign manager Joe Trippi.  

Just one week ago, over one thousand of us met up in Las Vegas at the first Yearlykos convention. It was an experience that replicated on a communal scale the thrill that Matthew Gross must have had when, as Joe Trippi recounts above, Matt drove from Utah to Vermont unannounced to work on the Howard Dean campaign.  We at Yearlykos took online politics offline.  Names became faces.  The netroots networked. Candidates courted bloggers. The blogosphere, quite literally met the press.

In contrast to Trippi and Lessig in 2003, however, we had new buzzwords at Yearlykos; the convention was awash in references to “People Powered Politics” “the millennial generation” and “social networking software.”

With this essay, however, I’d like to make the case for a quiet phrase that we’ve let fall into disuse.   I’d like to talk about open source politics.

Immediately following the 2004 election Micah Sifry wrote an article in the Nation entitled The Rise of Open Source Politics.  The article is worth reading in full, but I’d like to highlight a passage that speaks to what’s on my mind:

Open-source politics is still a long way off. The term “open source” specifically refers to allowing any software developer to see the underlying source code of a program, so that anyone can analyze it and improve it; better code trumps bad code, and programmers who have proven their smarts have greater credibility and status. Applied to political organizing, open source would mean opening up participation in planning and implementation to the community, letting competing actors evaluate the value of your plans and actions, being able to shift resources away from bad plans and bad planners and toward better ones, and expecting more of participants in return. It would mean moving away from egocentric organizations and toward network-centric organizing.

Open source politics, then, is not simply about feedback…it’s about how feedback makes us more effective.  In the language of programming from which the term “open source” derives: better code trumps bad code. In the world of politics that means better ideas trump bad ideas.  As Joe Trippi, referring to the Dean for America blog, exalted to Lessig in the 2003 interview cited above:

The response we are getting and the ideas that come off of it are just amazing. The comments section is just such an amazing thing. Little things you never would have thought of: Zephyr [Teachout] came up with the idea of having a poster that was downloadable and printable for each state, with a goal of getting a million of these posters put up — for example, “New Hampshire for Dean” — as a way to get visibility going. We put that up with the links of all fifty states and immediately afterwards, one of the first comments was, “I’m registered to vote, I’m working overseas in London, there’s a lot of American expats here, and you know, you really, I’d love to have an Americans Abroad for Dean poster that I can put up and that my friends overseas can put.” Two minutes later another post comment was, “I’m in Spain, and you guys shouldn’t forget about us, you should do Americans abroad.”

This is my 7th presidential campaign, but in every other campaign, the campaign never would have known that it had screwed up by not just creating the fifty-first sign. It’s a small thing, but within ten minutes we had an “Americans Abroad” poster up with the rest, blogged about it, said, “hey, you’re right, you caught that.

Open source, however, means more than just passing along criticism and ideas.  Open source is also a meritocratic means of discovering new leaders.  Those of us who witnessed the professionalism with which Gina Cooper and her team of “entrepreneurial volunteers” pulled off Yearlykos would concur.  Yearlykos was an example not only of how feedback and input made the convention better, but of how specific expertise was drawn from a pool of talent.  In this, Yearlykos was a great example of open source.  Fabooj, Nolan and Pontificator, to name just three examples, went from being “screen names” on dailyKos to demonstrating skilled leadership and organizational competence for all the world to see.  Do not underestimate the power of that example.  We in the netroots are about to see it applied again and again as offline skills and leadership become vital considerations in this political movement.  In effect, the “feedback” that thrilled Joe Trippi in 2003 has taken its logical next step: the emergence of new offline leaders.

Open source politics, in this sense, is just another name for what those in progressive politics have long called small “d” democracy.  In fact, I would argue that behind all the high tech and high falutin’ names we give to this political movement that this value is its core impulse: we want more democracy.  We want a meritocracy of ideas and participation.  Whether it is the democratic openness of the Scoop platform, the ongoing campaign for net neutrality or the push to run candidates in every race in every state, this is our unifying theme: we have a bedrock commitment to the power and effectiveness of small “d” democracy. Open source is the foundation on which all our individual successes have been built and the cornerstone on which our underlying movement stands or falls.  We are small “d” democrats first and last; that is our core value.  Whatever the latest technology or buzz, we should never forget this.

I wrote a reflection on Yearlykos last week that asked some questions about the event from this perspective.  In particular, I asked about the process by which the term “netroots endorsed” is being applied to candidates and races.  I ask that question again today.

As I explained in my previous essay, at Ykos I had a chance to hear Chris Bowers explain to a candidate at the MyDD caucus the procedure by which a candidate can become “netroots endorsed.”  That procedure is explained very clearly here by one the four bloggers who determines “netroots endorsement,” DavidNYC of the Swing State Project.  The other three bloggers  who make selections are Chris Bowers and Matt Stoller of MyDD and Markos of Dailykos.  (If you want an active chance to participate in the nominating process, please click on this active link at MyDD.)  

While, in fact, we in the netroots can nominate candidates for “netroots endorsment” if we happen across the diaries where nominations are taken…there is:  a) little transparency in evaluating the process by which candidates eventually get selected b) little oversight in determining whether “good choices” or “bad choices” have been made, and c) little small “d” democratic rationale for why a self-selected committee of four bloggers should control the term “netroots endorsed” and the standards for selection.

Does this process live up to the “open source” standard that Micah Sifry enunciated above?  Does it allow us in the netroots, not simply to give feedback, but to effectively judge whether “good code” will trump “bad code”…whether “good ideas” will trump “bad ideas?”  Does it move us “away from egocentric organizations and toward network-centric organizing?”   With all due respect to the initiative, fairness and follow-through of those involved, I don’t think so. (For one, a central website for nominations and candidate statements would be nice and easy to do. ) I think we can do better.  Further, like it or not, as we gain power and impact in the field of politics we will be increasingly judged by the standards we ourselves apply to the political world.   What is to prevent vociferous critics from claiming that a candidate has won “netroots endorsement” not on the merits but by an invisible backroom deal, no matter the integrity and accomplishment of the selectors?  Not much.   Further, how are we in the  netroots improving on our track record for donation and picks from the last election cycle?  It’s not clear.

Now, as this political movement grows and matures it is inevitable that we will have more beaurocracy, more structural disputes, more need for organization and more scrutiny from the outside press. I would insist, however, that there is a golden rule of open source that we might use to guide our way:

Whenever we find ourselves resorting to something private, secret, or undemocratic it is because we have failed to innovate an open source solution.

We are open source innovators; that is how we are known.  Our job is not to be “perfect;” all politics, and the democratic process itself, involves the “rough game” of debate and taking sides.  All innovation requires individual initiative and the work of small teams. But when push comes to shove, our movement, if it is to succeed and stay true to itself, must not forget its pole star: we want more democracy, not less.

Much praise is to be given to the “early adopters” and, perhaps, “inventors” of the blogosphere.  Praise does not, however, equal a handing over of one’s voice or one’s vote.  One can respect the hard work and foresight of some of our peers and at the same time hold them accountable to our bedrock ideals.  Yes, it might be easier to hand over decision making to self-selected committees for the near term, or, as some have suggested, let the movement play out organically till after the 2008 election and then organize itself in a more thoroughgoing way.  I don’t think either option lives up to open source or furthers our short and long term goals.

Open source politics is premised on one of the founding notions of the United States Constitution: finding a structural way to let the people decide and evaluate, however awkward and contentious that process might be, is both a way to stay true to our founding principles and the most effective form of governance yet invented.  Open source may not be pretty, but given a chance, our history has proven it works.  Our job, then, is to incorporate as much as we can an open source ethos into our politics.

Now, our political movement contains strains of a “libertarian” impulse and strains of the “progressive” political impulse.  Rather than have these two threads bicker and jockey for preeminence as they have in the past, I would point out that the open source ethos is a unifying theme that we all share.  We are all committed to breaking down the walls of privilege and power that have stifled democracy in the United States these last decades.  That is our common ground.  On a level playing field, either side can be content to let our ideas compete in the marketplace.   That level playing field and marketplace, in my view, should apply to the presidential hopefuls for 2008 as well as “netroots endorsed” candidates for 2006.

I choose the marketplace analogy on purpose.  It is clear that the innovation that fuels our movement has been deeply marked by the entrepreneurial spirit and initiative of remarkable individuals.  They deserve praise. There is, however, a natural tension between the entrepreneurial and the organizational, especially when calls for accountability and small “d” democracy ring out from the peanut gallery. Organization inevitably follows innovation.   (Professor Lessig eloquently examined this in his book Code: and other laws of Cyberspace.)

Rather than run from this tension, in my view, our response should be to understand and embrace it.  We need both dynamics to succeed.  We need to embrace the entrepreneurial spirit of risk takers and pathbreakers and at the same time have the patience and tolerance to build an organizational culture that prevails. From where I stand, when it comes to the path ahead for the netroots, our immediate task is clear.

We are innovators.  Our job is to innovate.  Our job is to find win-win solutions.  At numerous points in this brief saga, we have faced challenges that we have met with forward thinking ideas that we implemented with savviness and aplomb.  Yearlykos was merely the most visible and successful of these.  From the “Dean bat” to the “recommended diary box” to Energize America the left blogosphere has been a laboratory of tactics and methods, some of which have succeeded beyond our wildest dreams, and some of which have failed.  Today is no different; innovation is the task at hand.  Open source has shown that constructive criticism and feedback, far from being disloyal, is the path to improvement and effectiveness.  My argument today is that we should keep it at the center of our movement.

You may agree or disagree with me regarding “netroots endorsements.” That is fair enough. What I’d ask you to consider, however, is the underlying value that I’m arguing for.  Open source politics is our alpha and omega.  It’s where we began and, at the same time, reflects the kind of society we hope to build.  Open source politics is no different in ideals and conception than what our Founding Fathers initiated over 200 years ago or the vision that Lincoln burned into our national memory with his Gettysburg address.

Given this moment in history and the task at hand, open source is also the one thing that we all can and have agreed on.  It is something that coursed through the halls during Yearlykos where an egalitarian spirit ruled the day.  On some small but significant level, that, my friends, is a golden opportunity that we should not neglect to seize.

a hope without illusions

What makes progressive values progressive?  I think these core things:

  • respect for the dignity and rights of every human person
  • an insistence on seeking local / global connections
  • an unflinching concern about poverty and injustice
  • an emphasis on community and small “d” democracy
  • a commitment to look at, long term, how we humans impact our environment, and a willingness to build economic and political structures that reflect insights learned from that analysis, on a macro and a micro scale
  • For me, the key words that define progressive commitments are:

  • equality
  • community
  • democracy
  • green economics
  • human connectedness
  • Progressives, unlike liberals or blanket Democrats, are ALWAYS willing to see how micro, or “personal” inputs affect the larger picture.  Vegetarianism, local cooperatives, defining home work as work, holistic health care, small scale loans are all micro issues with a macro impact.  Whether we buy into any of these ideas or not…we progressives seek to explore how they connect to macro issues like energy policy, militarism, and Big Box stores selling cheap goods from China.

    We can trace the roots of our movement deep into the past, whether it is the Declaration of the Rights of Man, the writings of the founding fathers and mothers of our nation, or the utopian idealists and socialists of the 19th Century.  We are, fundamentally, humanists who see interconnectedness and human equality as THE core values from which all else flows.

    One of the most popular essays I’ve written was titled “link it.”  That, at its core, is what progressives do, it is how we see the world.  We link things.

    It is precisely the long haul battle of moving from the micro to the macro and linking the two that is the essence of the progressive political movement at the start of the 21st Century.

    None of us can be sure, ultimately, of the success or failure of the progressive project.  We seek not so much perfection as amelioration: we seek no less than the sustainability of the human community on this planet.  We are long term thinkers with muddy hands and boots from working in the real world; we work both sides of the equation, the long and the short term, electoral politics and idealistic projects which we will never see realized.

    No one who is truly convinced of the value of progressive ideals doubts, ultimately, that those ideals represent our best and most pragmatic hope for justice and peace.  Our aspirations are rooted in that conviction, that progressive politics are both idealistic and pragmatic.  We progressives are called starry-eyed idealists…when, of course, it is often our opponents who are living an illusion: polluting the earth in the name of development, making war in the name of peace, torturing in the name of the rule of law.

    The progressive task is to build a city we may never see or live in.  We know this city will be far from perfect but we hope that it will be a city more joyful and more sustainable and secure for every human person both because of the ideals we aspire to and the hard won pragmatic lessons we’ve learned about how to live as humans on this earth.

    We draw our strength and hope from the human dignity to be found in simple things.  We are inspired by those who’ve gone before us, and those who share our work in so many ways. Though none of us may ever see it, we’ve tasted in our daily lives what a city built on justice, equality and dignity might be like; we know its building blocks because we’ve helped shape them with our hands.

    At the end of the day, the progressive movement is based on an authentic hope forged where ideals meet praxis, a hope without illusions, a hope rooted in fundamental humanist values.

    On our darkest days, like so many who’ve come before us, that hope is enough to move us forward.

    {Speaking of “hope without illusions”…judybrowni’s diary Make yourself heard on Alito is worth a visit and a click or two for the cause}

    collapse

    There’s a moment driving the morning commute over the San Francisco Bay Bridge that exemplifies who we are and where we are at as a civilization.

    Driving through the tunnel on Yerba Buena Island in five lanes of traffic (the bridge is crossed by 280,000 vehicles a day) one can see opening up along the entire length of the first part of the western span…in one gulp…a little over one mile of jam-packed traffic sitting 300 ft. above the surface of the Bay.  Before one’s eyes creeps a sea of steel and rubber riding on a suspension bridge of steel and concrete…powered, built, fabricated and maintained by the burning of fossil fuels.  It’s something to see.  And something to think about.

    I just finished reading Jared Diamond’s book Collapse: How Societies Choose to Fail or Succeed.  Here in the Bay Area commuters on the Bay Bridge have that word….collapse…both burned in our memories, and literally present to us in the ongoing $6 Billion construction of a new eastern span of the Bay Bridge which has resulted in a forest of cranes and towers running alongside the vulnerable, and due-to-be-replaced, old bridge.  Of  course, it is seismic realities that drive this new bridge, but viewing that daily sea of cars and trucks, one could just as easily think about sprawl, water use, smog, fossil fuel dependence, and the increasing atomization of our society into market-driven consumers who lack communal input into the long-term health and sustainability of our environment and economy.  

    You see, us morning commuters on the bridge are just getting to our jobs and making ends meet.  However, as a society, we are driving into a future shaped by our current policies and assumptions.  We are literally building our future out of the raw materials of our daily lives.  Have we given that the thought it deserves?  That’s the core question that Diamond asks.  In light of the fact that today, December 3rd, marks a world-wide day of action about Global Warming, I’d like to echo Diamond, and join the ongoing discussion of how we put long term thinking and sustainability on the political table.

    Collapse is a solid and highly readable book that asks critical questions.  Diamond asks himself why societies, past and present, have left themselves vulnerable to failure.   Why did past cultures act in what now seem to be short-sighted or ignorant ways?  Malcolm Gladwell, in an excellent review of Collapse in the New Yorker summarized Diamond’s analysis of the failure of Greenland Norse society and the Polynesian settlement on Easter Island.  You can get an in-depth flavor of the book in Gladwell’s analysis, I highly recommend reading it.  Diamond’s book, however, covers a wide range of modern and ancient examples.  His writing on strip-mining in Montana, resource-management in China, and the introduction of non-native species in Australia, while not telling anything entirely new, collectively paints a picture of the unthinking ways we have made long term impacts on our environment in the last two hundred years.  Diamond’s analysis of Rwanda, and his comparative study of Haiti and the Dominican Republic, while short on positive ideas, shine the light on very real and present ways in which societal failure has occured in the present day, and what little has been done about it. (For a discussion of quibbles and critiques of the book try here)  

    Of course, the effect of Hurrican Katrina on the city of New Orleans…a city left vulnerable to devastation by local and national leaders…has brought this concept home here in the United States.  It goes without saying that the devastation and abandonment of an entire major U.S. city represents a powerful example of how we have failed to plan for long term eventualities, and are ill-prepared to deal with the inevitable consequences of that failure. The fact that there has been so little discussion of that failure in New Orleans is utterly breathtaking.  (Even mentioning the possibility that global warming had a hand in Katrina was taboo…why was that?)  Predictably, models for an Eco New Orleans have been waylaid for discussions of the latest political scandal or crisis.  

    Diamond’s book, especially in light of Katrina, points up the ways in which we simply don’t think about long term environmental consequences much in our political and economic lives.  Anyone who has read Jerome á Paris remarkable series of environmental analyses, or Michael Klare’s work on Znet understands how little of that kind of thinking gets reported in the mainstream press…if not how little of it gets addressed in the political discourse of the two main political parties in the United States.  That must change.  

    We need to have a discussion of why our national political system has utterly failed our citizens in leading a discussion about the long term environmental consequences of our current practices.  Our citizens get it.  Our localities get it.  But our government doesn’t.  In fact, our current corrupt, scandal-plagued GOP-led Congress, exemplified by Rep. Richard Pombo is based on selling our resources and our future to the highest bidder.  Environmentalists spend a great deal of energy just combatting the GOP election cycle to election cycle.  In that environment, there’s not much of a chance for long term thinking to get discussed.

    One of the critical points that Diamond makes is that societies that “fail” oftentimes were obessesed or distracted with other issues.  They just didn’t see the impending disaster until it was too late.  Our political system is supposed to provide us with “small d” democratic venues where all of these issues are put on the table…where clear-thinking individuals and leaders are given a chance to break out of short term and “crisis mode” thinking and plan in a rational way.  That isn’t happening.  Our system has been bought and sold.  The situation now is worse than it was two decades ago.

    Oftentimes, shifts away from from long term planning and sustainability happen gradually.   As a student of Diamond’s asked…”What was the person who cut down the last tree on Easter Island thinking?”  Almost certainly, they weren’t thinking much differently than the people who cut down the earlier trees; environmental devastation happened gradually.  The consequences,  however, were permanent.

    One of the powerful realities expressed in the morning commute over the Bay Bridge is how easy it is to simply follow the vehicle in front of you wherever it is headed.  That morning commute is a clear symbol of how our individual lives plug into a much larger reality.  Yes, with the rise in gas prices, car pools and bus use have gone up.  (You can see that every morning on the bridge..fwiw, I carpool and BART whenever possible.)  But having seen that same commute during the dotcom boom I can say…nothing substantially is different.  We are making change around the edges.  We aren’t facing facts.

    Jared Diamond’s book may be a bit of a “best seller”…but it is, nevertheless, essential reading.  The picture he paints of Easter Island and Norse Greenland…societies cut off from the rest of the world, without a fallback…is exactly the situation we find ourselves in here on our planet Earth.

    We’re all living on Easter Island.   Most of us just haven’t realized that yet.

    for a women’s century

    I wrote this essay on my blog last week.  (Writing about feminism and not mentioning the presidency of Geena Davis, what was I thinking?)  Current events, from the election of Ellen Johnson-Sirleaf of Liberia, first woman President of an African nation, to this excellent book review of the career of Phyllis Schlafly by Elizabeth Kolbert in the New Yorker, have put feminism in the spotlight.

    Almost exactly one year ago, I wrote a post election piece on dKos that tried to start a discussion about changing the face of the Democratic party.  Today, I’d like to take that topic up again through the lens of feminism…I know I’m not saying much new to anyone here, but I wanted to put these thoughts down all in one place.

    Warning:  This is a long essay, real “oatmeal” if you know what I mean.  I print it here in hopes it reaches a few more folks than it did on my blog, where I occasionally write long pieces like this and, thank god, mostly shorter ones as well.

    Peace!!
    Context, Consensus and Community: feminist values for everyone

    ::

    In the worst ways, mass media offered, and continue to offer, a vision of feminism to the public that suggested it was a movement for equal rights that would make women be like men. The fact that the feminist movement was equally critical of male identity formation within patriarchy was rarely given attention in the media. Clearly, the aspect of reformist feminism most people could understand was the insistence on equal pay for equal work. Coupled with that was the stereotype of women become pseudo-men. In the final analysis, mass media and the mass public have shown a willingness to embrace women acting like patriarchal men while they eschew feminist attempts to transform male and female roles.

    -bell hooks, rebel’s dilemma 1998

    I’m a man and I’m a feminist. There’s nothing remarkable about that, it’s how I was raised, and, as bell hooks points out, that was part of feminism in the first place.

    I was raised by a strong, brilliant and caring woman, who is still very much “my mom.” And I was raised by a strong, brilliant and gentle man who is still very much “my dad.”  I have two sisters with whom I shared the experience of growing up and being raised by our parents in St. Paul, Minnesota in the 1970’s and 80’s.  

    Who I am was forged in that context.  That context is the essential part of me.  My family’s shared experience, growing up side by side with my sisters, being raised by my folks in my community, is what, essentially, made me.  

    I think most women “get” that kind of thinking…thinking of one’s self in this relational and rooted way.  I think most women’s politics are deeply informed by this mode of thinking, and the consensus-building it impies.  Frankly, however, most of the men who run our country don’t get it.  Where women understand the core feminist values of context, consensus and community, most men in our society do not.  Men, in particular our leaders, tend to take those values for granted, and it shows.

    Feminism is a strong word.  As a concept it is currently more reviled than that other current bete noire, socialism, though they both represent, on some level, deeply shared, positive and hopeful human ideals:  community, empowerment, the common good.  Now, I don’t think this on the outs status for feminism is an accident.  Nor do I think that feminism’s “ill repute” represents some nefarious, wholly intentional plot.

    Simply put, the “isms” of the status quo…corporate capitalism, militarism, religious fundamentalism, and nationalism…form a bundle of interests and structures that collude organically to favor what used to get called patriarchy but what can also be summarized in present day terms as: national governments dominated by men on behalf of the military industrial complex and vested corporate interests. (Another way to put that would be to say that men have built militarized societies that favor short-term political and economic outlooks…and, men!) Like a lot of folks, male and female, I think these isms are killing our planet.

    Of the “isms” progressives might replace or modify these with:  a people’s globalism, feminism, environmentalism (or “green economics”), humanism and some form of democratic market-based socialism…feminism is, politically, in my view, the crucial one.   And here I am not talking about feminism as an intellectual project so much as a pragmatic and political program to empower women and change the playing field of political and economic power.  In my view, the central question of our times is what women around the globe will decide to do with the political and economic challenges of the 21st century…what they will make of their lives in this context.  I am convinced our collective history rests on the decisions women make and the actions women take going forward.  In so many ways, our future depends on women’s empowerment.

    ::
    part i:  Feminism and Motherhood
    ::

    Now, I am not an academic expert on feminism, but I’ve read and thought about the work of authors like Audre Lorde, Betty Friedan and June Jordan.  I’m familiar with the intellectual history of women’s struggle and understand that its roots extend deep into the intellectual and political history of the west beyond Mary Wollstonecraft and Sojourner Truth.  I’ve also lived long enough to know that oftentimes abstractions don’t do justice to common-sense lived experience, as the women above knew well.  Speaking from one’s experience and limitations is feminism too.

    Motherhood and how our political and economic system deals with it is the crux of the matter. It is what feminism has always addressed on one level, and, on another level, this focus represents a new wave of thinking. Different authors have approached this topic different ways:  Anne Roiphe, Kristin Rowe-Finkbeiner, Eva Cox and Peggy O’Crowley to name just four. Having and raising children…in terms of the time and risks it takes, the commitment involved, and the “social norms” of how women are universally expected to take charge of child rearing and do the bulk of its work…forms the nexus through which most men view women, and, oftentimes, through which women view themselves and their political lives, whether they choose to have children or not.

    Children are factual, real, necessary…and hard work.  Women know this.  Many men don’t.  In my personal and professional life, and as a man in my 30’s, I can attest that motherhood changes the political and economic playing field for women.  While men I’ve known have been exemplary parents and dads, there is really no comparison between what is essentially voluntary virtue on the part of most men…and the fact that for women…pregnancy, breastfeeding, child care, being the de facto primary caregiver, the whole package, comes with the choice to have a child.  In 2005 we still don’t have adequate health care, child care, or a minimum wage that would make of motherhood anything other than the herculean effort without much of a safety net that it is for the majority of women in our society to this day.  Employers, unless one is quite lucky, still don’t “get” pregnancy.  Most young mothers I know are run ragged by the demands of our society.  Of course, this gets lost because, most of us are run ragged living our ‘modern lives’.

    As a man, it has been clear to me, however, as it is to most men I know, that there is no difference in political insight, intellectual analysis or leadership capabilities between women and men. That is crucial, because so much in our society, so much of our structures, implicitly assumes the opposite.  Aside from that “little thing” called having and raising children, we are, estrogen and testosterone fluxes aside, in reality very much equals, though society does not treat us that way.  Despite that inequity in treatment, it is clear that our world needs the input, the intellectual firepower and the lived experience and wisdom of women here at the birth of the 21st Century.  In that sense we desperately need a rebirth of feminism, and a reintergration of the roles of men and motherhood in our discussions.

    I am convinced we will not achieve a sustainable and peaceful human presence on this planet without women’s full and equal participation in our political and economic lives.  Given that at various times in human history and prehistory, women’s empowerment and input may have been greater, effectively, than it is now, it is time for a women’s century.

    ::

    part ii:  Women and Politics

    ::

    In essence, we need to examine the intersection of women and politics for the next century…we need to take apart how men, who have heretofore dominated our political and economic lives in the industrial era, have created, intentionally or not, a political environment antithetical to the intersection of women and politics, if not the intersection of motherhood and full participation in our economic lives.  Greed, selfishness and  “one-up-manship” rule the day.  By its nature, whatever our democratic ideals, our current system produces and rewards wars like the one in Iraq, produces and rewards torture like that of Abu Ghraib, produces and rewards Enron-like corporate scandals and profiteering as a part of its inherent nature.  Our system produces and rewards judges like John Roberts and Samuel Alito, as well; and a society where an 8-1 male Supreme Court is acceptable, indeeed, where it can be countenanced philosophically, is one in which an unquestioned patriarchy rules the day.

    If we are to change this status quo, we need to change this male-oriented and dominated state of affairs.  And that means reviving and revaluing the project of feminism as the essential start point to making fundamental change.  We need to make explicit, and quite often, literal room for women, and hence, for mothers, and the values of consensus and community, in the structure of our political and economic life.  Women must take their proper place, even as they change the very meaning of that place, from the High Court and the Senate to the board room and even the military high command. If the 21st Century is to represent a turning point in human history, it will be because women will take their rightful, and fully equal place at the table, and allow all of us to change the nature of that table.

    This must not be done, as so often has been the case, by forcing women to conform to the current very male requirements of political and economic participation. We, men and women together, must change the broken and biased rules of public life.  In this sense, as bell hooks points out cogently in the lead-in quote of this piece, feminism is as much about men as it is about women; true feminism includes a revolution in men’s roles too.  

    In saying this, I don’t pretend to be saying something new or unique…in fact, I am simply reiterating a core value that has, in my view, got lost by the wayside somewhat.   Feminism is important to all of us.  The Alito nomination, at least for me, brought that home with a vengeance.

    ::

    part iii:  Women’s Empowerment around the Globe

    ::

    Now, in my view, the important places this change will happen, in contrast to our Western obsession with our own domestic feminisms and politics…is around the globe.  The most significant decisions and developments in this regard may well be made in places like Karachi and Bangkok, in Seoul and Johannesberg and their surrounding countrysides.  It is critical, for a women’s century, that women come to the fore around the globe, and that they do so in their own way, relating to their specific circumstances and histories.  The crucial interactions here may involve micro loans and small-scale entrepeneurism…or a large-scale movement for fair trade, education, reproductive rights and sustainable agriculture.  Regardless, women are on the front lines of the horizontal reorganization of global political activism that is challenging the vertical, top-down, hierarchy of the World Bank and the U.N.  Truth be told, women have always have been on the front lines in this regard.

    No movement for change in this world can take this global perspective for granted.  Feminism has ceased to mean something that is sheltered in the industrial West.  Hell, “the industrial West” doesn’t mean what it did twenty-five years ago.  Women will be at the forefront of the political and economic changes of the next century.  In very real ways, women will change how change is made.

    ::

    part iv:  Women’s Empowerment and Political Change

    ::

    It is critical to understand that as women redefine and stake out new roles in political life, they redefine men’s roles as well.  In my view, that is the reason we have seen a full scale push back from the right on feminism.  And it is why the gender imbalance in the United States federal governement…our Congress, our Executive Branch and on our Supreme Court…must end.  Reform of the United States government cannot happen with the “good old boy” networks still in place.  It is not enough to vote out the “good old boys” or to redefine their clubs to include a few women.  We must redefine what public service means for men and women alike.  We need to drain the swamp which breeds the “good old boys” in the first place.

    In this sense, I think the feminist values of context, consensus and community will form the crux of how feminism will help move our society from one based, essentially, on war and greed…those twin obsessions of the the militarized state…to one based on sustainability and mutuality, on democratic community and interdependence on all levels.  As we can see from around the globe, the current wave of feminism is very much about “fact-based” and “reality-based” pragmatism;  the world powers must see that and understand it. This is a project as bold and necessary as any yet undertaken in our short history on this planet, even if, at the end of the day, it won’t look like ‘revolutions’ past.

    Men throughout our history have priveleged a kind of rhetoric for change that is essentially full of machismo.  Without dismissing the validity and heroism of previous sturggles for change, it is essential that we envision the possibility of a different kind of struggle, a different, and perhaps, more pragmatic way of making progressive change.  Motherhood, femininity, and womanhood represent a direct connection to a kind of continuity, a sense of connectedness that for women is simply not abstract. It is those values we see in the worldwide movement for women’s empowerment.  Continuity and connectedness are not ‘known traits’ of most previous movements for change, which privilege seismic shifts and dramatic breaks.  Taking a cue from Rosa Parks, and lesser known heroes like Maudelle Shirek, we should renew our commitment to already established models of women’s activism and the values they incorporate. We should seek to understand how these models and values apply to every last one of us.  It is high time that feminism and women’s empowerment help us look at the bigger picture and move our politics into one of making long term change based on a long term vision.

    ::

    Conclusion:  for a Women’s Century

    ::

    The 21st century, it is my hope, will be a century that will come to be known by history as a “women’s century” not because it priveleged or advantaged women over men, but because, finally, we made a decisive move towards a society that incorporated all of us, and made equal use of the full extent of our manifold insights, talents and abilities.  

    We must define a politics that puts the emphasis on context, consensus and community…that revalues feminism as a movement for pragmatic global women’s empowerment.  That pragmatism and revaluing is, in part, a lesson I learned from my mother and my father.  I am convinced, thinking on their example, that it will be when the world incorporates positive and culturally specific reinventions of both men’s and women’s roles that we will achieve what is at the core of the feminism’s long held dream: that, as brothers and sisters, as equals, we will be able to work together around the globe, honoring our mothers and fathers, to build a better, safer and more peaceful world for all of our children.

    {The original essay and its discussion appeared on my blog, k/o}

    CA Special Election: Update

    This Monday’s news is simply not good for those of us battling Governor Arnold Schwarzenegger’s stealthy set of ballot initiatives here in the Golden State.  

    Mike Finnegan in the LA Times reports that labor leaders are very worried about the prospects for Proposition 75:

    “We’re not winning on this thing, and we’ve got to step it up,” Steven Neal, a Los Angeles County Federation of Labor official, told scores of union leaders at a campaign breakfast last week in downtown Los Angeles. He likened the battle against Proposition 75 to a “sinking ship” in need of rescue.

    Argh…more below…

    This Monday’s news is simply not good for those of us battling Governor Arnold Schwarzenegger’s stealthy set of ballot initiatives here in the Golden State.  

    Mike Finnegan in the LA Times reports that labor leaders are very worried about the prospects for Proposition 75:

    “We’re not winning on this thing, and we’ve got to step it up,” Steven Neal, a Los Angeles County Federation of Labor official, told scores of union leaders at a campaign breakfast last week in downtown Los Angeles. He likened the battle against Proposition 75 to a “sinking ship” in need of rescue.

    Argh…more below…

    On Proposition 73, Parental Notification, Bill Ainsworth of the San Diego Tribune does a great job covering the origins of the proposition (financial backers of 73 include Tom Monaghan of Domino’s and San Diego Reader publisher James Holman who has given $800,000 of the $1.2 million raised so far). Ainsworth also notes:

    “Abortion rights generally have strong support among California voters, according to the latest Field Poll. But the nonpartisan poll early last month showed voters are split 45 percent-45 percent on Proposition 73.”

    And Dan Walters must-read opinion piece in today’s Sacramento Bee sings the praises of Arnold’s Proposition 77, but with this interesting take on 77’s likely outcome (it will make CA politics more “decisively moderate“…not more “competitive”):

    “Insiders who support the status quo will say it’s unlikely that a large number of districts will become competitive because of the state’s increasingly red-vs.-blue nature – and that’s true. But it also begs the question, because if only a handful of districts moved into the uncertain category – say a half-dozen of the 80 Assembly districts – the entire atmosphere of the Capitol could be changed by creating a decisive bloc of moderates more interested in policy than posturing.”

    All these stories, on top of last week’s opinion polls (thanks to CA Observer), add up to a dismal picture. There’s so much to take on here.  Brian at Calitics highlights the critical divide in California:  Arnold is politically weak, but his agenda is winning.   The state of the November propositions is exhibit A for this effect.  Arnold, whose poll numbers remain in the toilet, has found more than one Achilles heel of California Democrats and is chomping away at all our our weak points like a dog on a bone.

    Or, we should say, Arnold’s corporate backers are chomping away at these weakenesses.  Somehow, this critical piece of the puzzle, that these initiatives were set up by big business, has been neglected. Monied interests are pushing these initiatives, just like they did the candidacy of Arnold himself, to divide CA democrats right down the middle.  Whether it’s dividing our labor coalition from the rank and file, our pro-choice coalition from the “moderates” who’ve always said they support parental notification, or our reformers from our incumbants, let’s face it, we’ve been split by big money.  And when we’re divided we lose; and that, more than anything, explains the fact that Arnold is weak while his agenda isn’t.

    Listening to KGO 810 AM last night it became clear to me that this piecemeal response is killing us.  If we split all these Arnold propositions up and debate them out of context as if they’re just these “sincere attempts” to make California better, we get bogged down…and imo, we will lose.  People just don’t see the corporate money flowing behind these initiatives; everyday Californians are seeing these propositions as being about “reform.”  Further, when our hard-core activists blast back on any individual proposition that is near and dear to their hearts, including Alliance for a Better CA’s talking about how 74 is “unfair”, we sound like “special interests” looking out for our own.  The big companies and fat cats love this.  

    The way to oppose these propositions is the “one-two punch.”  We need to oppose the guy who pitched this expensive, unnecessary and trojan horse special election in the first place, and to create doubt about who’s really behind them.  Simply put, we’ve got to make Nov. 8th about Arnold and money.  But that’s just one part of our one-two punch, we also need common sense language on each of these propostions that makes our case to everyday Californians in straightforward and consistent terms.  We need to create reasonable doubts in voters minds about the motivations and outcomes of these ballot iniatives.

    As we get closer to election day, this whole thing becomes about GOTV.  If we haven’t created legitimate doubts about these propositions by that point, and generated strong turnout I predict we’re in for a “smiling Arnold” on November 8th….and talk about his renewed chances for 2006.

    This is a cross post from my blog, k/o.  Please check that link to read the dicussion we had there!