Catch-22 Explained, by Your Government in Action

Are you a student having trouble understanding what the concept called “Catch-22” means? It’s at the core of the novel “Catch-22” by Joseph Heller, which is today considered a classic and is widely assigned, in areas where it is not yet banned.

Your ever-helpful government is here with a demonstration of Catch-22 in action, and it’s no farther away than your local library, in areas that still have them!

For the answer, read on!
The Patriot Act contains a provision, called Section 215,that permits Your Government to gather information on your reading from libraries. For example, Your Government could find out if you happen to have withdrawn a copy of Catch-22.

Critics of Your Government in Action say this is unwarranted intrusion that violates the First Amendment to the Constitution, and smacks of the Orwellian mind control society of Nineteen-Eighty Four.

Your Government says this is nonsense, that in fact in has never used Section 215 to gather information from libraries, for example, on people who read Nineteen Eighty-Four or the U.S. Constitution. Though libraries report more than 200 requests for such information from the U.S. government, they cannot say if these requests were made with the authority of Section 215.

Section 215 prohibits libraries from telling anyone that such a request under 215 has been made. Therefore, there is no information to challenge Your Government’s assertion that it has never used Section 215. Nor can there ever be.

Catch-22.

This educational experience has been brought to you by Your Government in Action.

Further Reading: http://www.nytimes.com/2005/06/21/opinion/21tue4.html?ex=1277006400&en=ee54ecb466c7385c&ei=5

089&partner=rssyahoo&emc=rss

If you are reading this in a library, you may feel secure knowing that if Your Government investigates people who read this column, you will never know about it. Of course, if you wind up in a cell at Guantanamo, you might begin to wonder.

GOPer congress votes to eliminate public broadcasting

The reactionary rabid right Republicans controlling the House appropriations subcommittee have voted to defund PBS and NPR.  The counter-campaign has begun, with an ongoing petition at Move On (http://www.moveon.org/publicbroadcasting/).  

But while saving Sesame Street is a worthy goal and perhaps a broadly effective way to pitch this petition, there are other major reasons for making sure this latest brick isn’t placed in the Orwellian wall of total media control.  Like for instance, save Frontline.  Save what remains of NPR.  They are pretty much all we have left.  Fight to get back control of the Corporation for Public Broadcasting before they destroy it.

 And this year, the GOPer fanatics are counting on public apathy, because we’ve cried wolf on these subcommittee moves so many times before, and the cutbacks got cut back.  But they didn’t get eliminated and they didn’t go away.  The wolf took big bites out of public broadcasting every time, and this time they want to finish the kill.

Don’t be deceived—this is not an isolated move.  It’s part of a so far successful pattern that goes back to the Reagan years.

There were so many outrages committed by the Reagan administration that one of the most devastating slipped by without much more than a weary finger or two pointing it out. But ending the Fairness Doctrine governing equal time for conflicting political views opened a door that Rupert Murdoch and other GOP partisan moneybags and extremist reactionaries were very ready to bolt through. It led to Fox News, right wing talk radio, and just about the end of legitimate news on TV and radio. Which has just about ended the dream of an informed citizenry electing their leaders, and the media as the dogged check on mendacious power.

Now the Bushies, rolling out one outrage after another, have numbed us to apparently minor changes including one which could be the coup de grace to democracy, and at the very least one of the last hopes for the young of America to ever get a straight answer, a real fact or even another view. And that little matter is the complete de-funding of CPB in two years, with severe cuts immediately, that’s just passed the House subcommittee on appropriations.

Sure, everybody says the subcommittee always does something like this, the committee restores at least some of the cuts, then the Senate restores some more, and PBS and NPR, through the Corporation for Public Broadcasting, get most of their money. Always a little less, of course. The federal contribution to our “public” media is about 15% of their costs.

But all that has to happen is for people and their congressional reps to fall asleep and these guys will finally do it. Sure, they say it’s about tight budgets, and everybody thinks that’s very funny. And they say, why do we need this, we’ve got all these choices on cable TV. Sure, if you think 3453 channels of the same crap constitutes choice, especially when those 45321 channels are owned by the same few corporations, and they’re all competing to see who can perfect the most effective blend of mesmerizing trivality and political manipulation for the GOPer cause.

The U.S. airwaves without Frontline and NPR would complete the 1984 media takeover. They’ve already installed a right wing ideologue in charge of the Corp for Public Broadcasting, and they got rid of Bill Moyers. Now they want to end it all. A little matter of investigations into some improper payments to GOPer lobbyists may slow them down a bit, but this is really one to DO FOR THE CHILDREN. Not to save Sesame Street for them, as worthy a goal as that might be. But to save Frontline for them. They are really going to need it.

Blogs and the Internet are great, but people, and kids especially, still get most of their information from TV, and they’ve learned how to learn from TV. TV is still the primary culture.   And radio is powerful.  PBS and NPR aren’t what they could be, but we need what little they give us, and we need the fighting chance to do more.  

One of the architects of PBS was Edward R. Murrow.  He wanted a place for good journalists to go, if and when they were restricted by commercial networks.

 Bill Moyers was the most effective broadcast journalist of recent years, and it’s no coincidence that one of his strongest subjects was corporate and right wing control of the media.  They got rid of him.  But we can still save Frontline and Nova, as well as Reading Rainbow and Sesame Street.  

This is one of those issues that writing your congressional rep can really count. These votes take the public temperature on a subject that doesn’t have a lot of loud-mouthed lobbyists fighting for it, and certainly isn’t going to get much TV time. So do it.
And sign the moveon petition.  It’s here: (http://www.moveon.org/publicbroadcasting/

Putting People Last: Deconstructing Two ofToday’s News Stories

“General Motors plans to eliminate 25,000 jobs in the United States by 2008” begins the AP story by John Porretto, an attention-getting lead.  But it is virtually the last time in the article that indicates this might be bad news.

 Do we get quotes about the people who will be losing their jobs, and what this will do to their lives, or even to the economy?  What this might portend for America’s manufacturing base?  Not hardly.

No, this is a report on the announcement by Chairman and Chief Executive Rick Wagoner speaking at GM’s annual shareholder meeting, where he “said the capacity and employment cuts will generate annual savings of roughly $2.5 billion.”

The story reports on the job eliminations as one of four strategies to revive the company. It reports Wagoner’s claim that the company’s expenses for employee health-care puts GM at a “significant disadvantage versus foreign-based competitors,” without questioning that statement, or mentioning that other nation’s reduce the burden on their industries by maintaining government health care support.

But it does say that “Investors welcomed the news, sending GM shares up modestly” while nevertheless quoting an “equity strategiest” saying that “U.S. automakers will continue to ship jobs overseas.”
The rest of the story emphasizes GM’s need to cut health care costs, and dark warnings about what might happen to the company if negotiations to do so with the United Auto Workers aren’t successful.

The subject of this story is the health of GM and its stockholders.  There is not a word about the health of its workers.  

Of course this is just one story.  Here’s a very similar one in the New York Times: http://www.nytimes.com/2005/06/07/business/07cnd-auto.html?ex=1275796800&en=9f1c25e6c3ce6ea3&amp

;ei=5089&partner=rssyahoo&emc=rss

  Care to lay odds on another one appearing that takes the worker’s point of view?

Here’s another AP story from today:

“Global military spending in 2004 broke the $1 trillion barrier for the first time since the Cold War, boosted by the U.S. war against terror and the growing defense budgets of India and China, a European think tank said Tuesday. “

Led by the United States, which accounted for almost half of all military expenditure, the world spent $1.035 trillion on defense, equal to 2.6% of global gross domestic product, the Stockholm International Peace Research Institute said.”

But the title of the institute holds just about the only instance of the word “peace” in the rest of the article, which stresses the economic facts and the geopolitical situation.

Nor does the story reflect on the human cost of all this armament, or the harm to the natural environment, or the moral and cultural costs of economies built on armaments.

Nor does it mention the U.S. reliance on military manufacturing and arms sales as opposed to other manufacturing.  Not a word here about health care benefits draining profits.

What is the point of this quick deconstruction?  Both consciously and unconsciously, news writers frame new information in ways they believe will highlight significance and interest readers.  Judgments of significance and interest rely on assumptions outside the story, on what the society currently deems important.  The Zeitgeist.

When editors place a story on a murder on page one, it is because they assumes readers will find the murder horrifying. Further, they will assume it will be of interest because the victim or killer or both, are celebrities.  The story will not go into the economic benefits obtained by the killer, except as motive.  We are assumed to be more horrified at the killing of a (prominent) human being than in the impact on a company’s stocks.

In these two stories, we are not assumed to be horrified by thousands more umemployed, or a world that spends a trillion dollars on devices with the sole purpose of tearing human beings to shreds.

Thirty years ago, the GM story would probably have been about the impact on workers.  But that was then, and this is Bushworld, a descendant of Reaganworld.  We all know more about the stock market now than any but a handful of people did thirty years ago.  We are presumed to identify with corporations more than unions, with stockholders more than workers.

This is the AP, not the Wall Street Journal.  This is the wire service that goes to every news outlet in America.

This is where we are, and who we are, and what we have become.  

Bush, Disassembling and The Way the World Works

I was party to a conversation about whether Bush actually believes what he says when he insists charges that abuse is going on at Guantanamo are “absurd,” or whether he is really disassembling.

I think the answer is yes and no: he thinks he doesn’t believe it, but he knows it’s true, because that’s how the world works. It’s a belief that links upper class guys like him to working class guys like the saps who voted for him.

The upper class gets this message as part of their birthright. It reminded us specifically of a story that Buckminster Fuller told Hugh Kenner.

Fuller came from a prominent New England family with a long pedigree (which included the Emersonian inspirer and transcendentalist, Margaret Fuller). When young Bucky was thought ready to be told, a rich uncle took him aside and explained how the world works. “It is not you or the other fellow,” his uncle explained. “It is you or a hundred others.” If you are going to succeed, you will be required to slit the throats of those hundred (metaphorically speaking, perhaps.)

 This is what Bucky would have to do, what men have to do. There was no point in telling the women. They can live in their fantasy Golden Rule world, because men like his uncle had taken care of the 100 barrier/competitors to his aunt, so she was already protected.

This is what men learn, in all classes. The difference is that the upper classes are also told how to lie about it, because the rest of the world is like the women, and would be very upset if you told them that the Golden Rule is fantasy. It would make them unhappy. So you don’t tell them.

You tell them everyone is given their rights, and more. Even the people who hate America. We know they hate America because why else would they be at Guantanamo? Who believes reasoning like that? Nobody except those who need to. What these men know is that it doesn’t matter if you violate some rights, muss up a little hair and take away years of some innocent fellow’s life; what matters is you get rid of the enemy, you hold on to power. If it comes down to that, you kill 99 innocents to make sure you get the one who might get you. The only thing that matters is who is standing when it’s all over.

At a certain point you are so good at lying about this that you become sincere. In public. But when you are with the men, it’s safe to speak the truth and it’s important to learn the truth. Men understand this. Real men, of course. Not the girly men.

It is a factor, by the way, also in how you get away with “disassembling.” That leaders should be well-spoken and smart, or even that the expensive education is important for any other reason than it was expensive, and you partied with the right people, is another pretty little fiction you have to pretend to believe.

If your handlers can make you look good, so teachers can hold you up as a model, that’s good. But when it comes to the real world, how could it possibly matter? More than family connections, business connections, a web of deals and influence that spells power? Real men know this. It’s the way the world works.

Industrialists Deal with the Climate Crisis

The dinosaurs of American politics and business, hopelessly addicted to fossil fuel money, may soon be extinct.  British industry is waking up to a major reality of the future: the climate crisis.

A report by Roger Harrabin for the BBC:

A group of Britain’s leading industrialists has written to the prime minister urgently demanding long-term policies to combat climate change.

The heads of the 12 leading firms say climate change is a huge challenge that needs serious investment by business.

But they say they cannot invest because they are not sure what future government policies on climate will be.

The letter is signed off by the heads of BP, Shell, HSBC Bank, BAA, John Lewis, Scottish Power and more.

 http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/business/4585229.stm

But that’s not even the most important part of the letter.
These industry leaders are recognizing what some environmentalists and alternative energy advocates have been saying.  The report continues:

But in their letter the business leaders say they believe emissions cuts of 60% can be achieved in the UK without damaging competitiveness if firms use energy more wisely and harness new technology.

They believe measures to hold CO2 emissions to a safe level would reduce economic growth by no more than 2% by 2050.

They say bold policy action could actually boost Britain’s profits by making the UK a world leader in low carbon technology.

The group say some of the technologies to achieve this goal already exist but need to be developed. Some are yet to be invented.

This is what will be necessary to get started on coping with the climate crisis, and then lessening its future effects: innovative thinking in existing business, to the point of recognizing a business oppportunity to at least offset the damage.

  The Brits are ready—will American based global corporate dinosaurs see the light?  

Birth of an Empire: The Politics of "Sith"

The political dimensions of “Star Wars III: Revenge of the Sith,” currently still breaking box office records, seemed to take many people by surprise.
However, if anyone had paid attention to what Lucas had been saying for several years now, the theme of this film and the prequel trilogy it completes is meant to be “…how a democratic society turns into a dictatorship, and how a good person turns into a bad person.”

A pop culture phenomenon like “Star Wars” has an inevitable relationship to other cultural currents in the society of its time. This has been especially true of the Lucas films, since the story within their space opera adventure is partly political: the rise and fall of an Empire.

 The Washington Post reported on a number of observations, some of them angry, that the transformation of the Republic into the Empire had certain clear similarities to U.S. actions and rhetoric in respect to Iraq.  The article was entitled “The Empire Strikes Bush.”
http://www.washingtonpost.com/wp-dyn/content/blog/2005/05/16/BL2005051600615.html

Then the New York Times weighed in, with news of conservative blogs attacking Lucas for anti-Bush sentiments, quoting Anakin Skywalker who’d just been re-named Darth Vader as saying, “If you’re not with me, you’re my enemy,”
(a close echo of Bush’s “Either you are with us, or you are with the terrorists.”)

The Times also reported that a conservative website it described as “little trafficked” had called for a boycott of Star Wars, along with films starring Jane Fonda, Susan Sarandon and Sean Penn, and the music of the Dixie Chicks.

Cornered on the question in Cannes, where he opened “Sith,” Lucas reinterated that his movie was devised in response to the Vietnam war, but he did allow that
“The parallels between what we did in Vietnam and what we’re doing in Iraq now are unbelievable.”

http://www.nytimes.com/2005/05/19/movies/19star.html?hp&ex=1116561600&en=fa6d244b63b6cff3&am

p;ei=5094&partner=homepage

The first “Star Wars” burst onto screens in 1977 when science fiction films were rare and dour.  After Vietnam and Watergate, and with the Cold War superpowers still facing off with immense nuclear arsenals, and dire planetary warnings coming from a fledgling environmental movement, the future seemed doubtful, and the anti-hero ruled the screen.  Enter Lucas with a simple and revolutionary concept:  to consciously inject heroic mythological themes into the fantasy world of the space opera serial: Joseph Campbell directs Flash Gordon.

“Star Wars” edged the old innocent virtues with contemporary knowingness in recognizable new heroes: Hans Solo, the swaggering mercenary with hidden heart, and Princess Leia, the damsel in distress who runs the war room and shoots the bad guys. Soulless technology became personable in the robots, C3po and R2D2.   But the true classic hero was Luke Skywalker, all impulse and openness, with buried powers that could be used for anything, depending on who and what he trusted to bring them forth.  

Lucas captivated audiences on yet another level with one astonishing premise: The Force, which emanates from all life and is both accessible to all and inborn more strongly in some.  The Force has a good side, accessed by the Jedi knights, like Obi Wan Kenobe, serving the rebel alliance. It also has the dark side, represented by Darth Vader, serving the Imperial Empire and its powerful hooded emperor.  The Force not only added an all-purpose explanation for fantastic accomplishments but a mystical and spiritual dimension largely absent from a 1970s American culture dominated by the rigid and linear materialism of economics and science.

In the third film of this trilogy, “Return of the Jedi,” the Empire is overthrown by Luke Skywalker and an underdog alliance with more virtue than technology, in a final battle fought partly in space, and partly on a green world that looks very much like Eureka, California.  It was a satisfying ending, and everyone identified.  Released in 1983, its message inspired New Age advocates and environmentalists, and also President Ronald Reagan, who began referring to the Soviet Union as the Evil Empire, and proposed a missile defense system that was quickly dubbed “Star Wars.”  

But Lucas had a larger, more complex and perhaps less comfortable story in mind.  Darth Vader, the black-clad, half-machine villain skulking in the darkness, turned out to be the evil father of Luke Skywalker and his twin sister, Leia.  Even though Vader turns away from the dark side before he dies, the question was raised: how does evil father good?  The answer given in the new prequel trilogy is provided by the less literal reversal: how good fathers evil.

Beginning with “The Phantom Menace” in 1999, Lucas explores the rise and fall of Anakin Skywalker, who will become Darth Vader in “Revenge of the Sith.” (The Sith are revealed as the dark side equivalent of the Jedi.) In the past several years, DVDs of all five prior Star Wars films were released(including “Star Wars II: Attack of the Clones” from 2002) with commentary tracks that included George Lucas talking in his low-key Modesto way about the arc of these two trilogies.  In between chat on mechanics of filmmaking (the Bantha is really an elephant in costume) Lucas reveals how deliberate his thematic thinking has been.  The evil Empire figures wear black and white, because they represent a black-and-white world view of self-righteous certainties.  The rebels are clothed in earth-tones, representing the organic complexities. The same situations and motifs recur purposefully; the difference is in the choices characters make each time.

In “Jedi” we saw Luke reject the temptations of the dark side’s power by restraining his anger and hate.  The entire prequel trilogy may be seen as a demonstration of how someone makes the opposite choice, and Lucas has clearly tried to make Anakin Skywalker sympathetic as well as strong.  To up the ante, Lucas even gives him the equivalent of a virgin birth, born of the mating of a woman and the Force itself.  He is “the chosen one.”

Anakin is hotblooded but his reactions seem reasonably provoked: he is taken from his mother as a child, and as a young man sees her killed by kidnappers.  He is forbidden the woman he loves.  His personal descent is mirrored in the politics Lucas spends a lot of time elaborately setting up, with the apparently reasonable and reactive, step-by-step transformation of the democratic Republic into the dictatorial Empire, though it is being manipulated by one of its own.

The society and the hero that think themselves good but transform themselves into evil is a bold theme that in some ways goes against the grain of post-9/11 America.  Lucas says forthrightly that his point of view was formed during the Vietnam war.  Though of course he could not have predicted that this film would open while the U.S. has an army of occupation in Iraq, it inevitably applies, especially considering how officials declared the preemptively virtuous right to attack those they define as the Axis of Evil.

Moreover, Lucas is clear about the paths to the dark side: The hunger for more and more power serving a possessiveness and greed that includes surrender to revenge, and to the emotional demands of what Buddhists call attachment. In other words, the current functional morality of our politics and society.

This prequel trilogy says that hot-blooded righteousness in a hero is not enough, for it is too easily turned.  Like all cautionary tales, this is a call to consciousness. Like all tragedies, it tells us that even born heroes have human flaws that mirror their society’s faults.

That’s a lot for a film series to bear, especially one wrapped up in the animated noise of a tech-crazy age, and partly pitched to children.
This film, Lucas warned, is darker than any of its predecessors, showing Anakin Skywalker’s descent into hell (almost literally, in the fires of a volcanic planet.)

The film itself is packed with space battles and enough fast moving shots per minute to quench the quick image hunger of the youngest video game-raised fan, although it tends to bludgeon older viewers into sullen impatience. There is likely to be some discomfort with the acting—more Anakin the manikin talk-though there were effective moments. But the political applicability is inescapable and explicit in the dialogue.  “Only the Sith see the universe in black and white.” However it’s more complex and subtle than an anti-Vietnam or anti-Iraq war screed.  

As the chancellor is moving quickly towards becoming emperor, the capital city starts to look less cleanly futuristic and more garish, with lots of neon.  Anakin talks to him at a Senate session during what appears to be some sort of stadium light show. It is the manipulation by means of imagery (also a Bush administration characteristic, thanks especially to a compliant media)which leads directly to one of the more quoted lines in the film, Queen Amidala as she observes Palpatine declare the Empire to a palpitating throng in the Senate: “This is how liberty dies—to thunderous applause.”

Pretty nervy stuff for a film that is getting thunderous applause at the box office. The film is also likely to offend some self-described Christian fundamentalists, with lines like Yoda’s, when he questions whether the prophesies of the Chosen One were misinterpreted. Though the basic moral message of what turns good into bad does jibe with much of what Jesus says in the gospels, and what early Christians believe, it is not the kind of doctrine today’s so-called fundamentalists are likely to embrace. Especially when the people who talk like this today are mostly Buddhists. It is actually a pretty subtle philosophy (having really not much to do with religion) about how things work.

It also is conspicuously counter to the motivation of heroes in recent action films, who usually wind up blowing stuff up and killing a lot of people not for king or country or even their religion, but to save their family.  That in essence is what Anakin wants to hold onto as his core value, and it leads to his downfall.

Beyond politics and religion as well is this film’s function within the six-film cycle of the Star Wars saga.  Located at dead center in the myth, this is an authentic tragedy.  It concerns a great man with a fatal flaw: the classical Greek formula.  We are meant to feel pity and terror, not only for Anakin but for ourselves.

The political complexities within the film will also likely have fans talking about what was really going on for some years more. Were the Jedi Knights just a little past their prime?  Was Anakin rightly confused by the Jedi’s bending their own rules, or was this a matter of thinking only in black and white?

It’s fascinating that it will likely be the real fans who will engage in actual moral and political discussion, with this film as text.  Beyond those invested in this story universe, many are too invested in their ideological identity to allow doubt or argument.  In America at least, the audience seems split between angry triumphalism and forlorn, global-cooked dread.  It’s the Rapture red staters versus the apocalyptic blues.  But even Lucas will probably not be surprised if this essentially moral message is lost or, as in the Reagan 80s, co-opted.  

It may take seeing these six films in sequence for the moral themes to fully emerge (and the prophesy perhaps to be fulfilled.)  Even the enormous gap in movie technology from the first trilogy to the second may emphasize the themes, as grand digital landscapes suddenly become more human, with human virtues regaining their Samurai/Jedi power.  It may look like decadence yielding to simplicity and conscious innocence.

 The implications of the fall should be sobering, but there’s both hope and instruction in this humbler resurrection.  If Lucas himself succeeds in doing what he’s announced, which is to make smaller, more personal films, it may be a prediction of his future as well.  

This essay appears in illustrated version at
http://soulofstartrek.blogspot.com

Your Death Sentences: a Sunday Book Review

“Words can be like notes, like expressions of the soul,” Don Watson writes in his new book, DEATH SENTENCES: How Cliches, Weasel Words, and Management-Speak Are Strangling Public Language (Gotham Books, 208 pages, $20.)

They can make our hair stand up, they can lift our understanding to a higher plane, make us see things differently.  They can inspire love and hope.  You can see it happen before your eyes.  Words can create a magic halo.”

Well, maybe. But before closure can be achieved on such product, robust parameters of total quality and competitive international best practices are key self-management and self-marketing requirements, in order to leverage vibrant pre-empowering emotional communication nodes and re-purpose functional deployment as a strategic initiative committed to an enhanced content provider environment.  A personal mission statement sometimes helps.

Don Watson wrote speeches for the prime minister of Australia and corporation chief executives, and he wrote company brochures and manuals.  The essence of these jobs (as I know from personal experience—except for the prime minister part) is translation.  You have to translate their normal vocabulary and syntax into something a little closer to English. That’s mostly so you can understand it.  You may then be required to re-translate it back into the vocabulary and syntax that lies in their comfort zone, and that of their colleagues, while giving other people at least a hint of what it’s all about.

It’s a tough job and who can blame Watson for getting snarky about it.  But for all the built-in satire (while Watson was writing for the prime minister, he was also writing for a comedian), this is not one of those decorously amusing Edwin Newman collections of bad grammar. Watson quotes Eric Alterman’s phrase, “the post-truth environment” as a section title, because that’s where we live now and where we must try to survive.  Unfortunately, the truth environment surrounds it, and it contains everything necessary for our ultimate survival.  If we lose touch with that, we’re cooked.  Sorry—I meant to say “opted out.”

But don’t despair: your call is important to us.  That’s why we’ve hired these nice Third World people to take it, if you insist on hitting zero while our rich-toned mechanism recites the Tibetan Menu of the Dead.

“Managerial language is an abuse of human rights,” Watson writes, in a suspiciously short sentence.  “It robs people of their senses, their culture, and their tongue.”  

    I recall a New Yorker cartoon from years ago that I have been pondering ever since.  A woman at a cocktail party cornered a corporate officer type to inquire, “If this is the Information Age, why doesn’t anyone know anything?”

It’s because most people are lying.  They may only be lying in that they don’t actually know what they are saying, but usually that’s because they’re selling something, and they’re trying to find the magic words.

Watson writes about the new clichés (or are they memes?), the jargon and fashionable abstractions that do actually mean something sometimes, but often not what the people who use them intend.  The two most important things in most people’s working lives today are being accepted and getting noticed.  It’s a difficult and dangerous dance. Skillful deployment of cliché is key.  Passive voice is such a help.

But of course it must be the right sort of cliché.  With loyalties becoming more virtual and temporary, ideology identifies the feathers of the birds you want to flock together with.  This of course goes way beyond politics.  There are corporate ideologies, and ideologies specific to certain business sectors (used to be “trades” but no longer).  “Ideologues speak in language best understood by ideologues of like minds,” Watson notes.  Elementary.  It is language as ritual code.  Most people understand this, and so books like this are for private chortles in the bathroom at home, assuming the cell phone is not in use, which is getting to be a big assumption.

“Parrots, when they are separated from their flocks, know by instinct they must quickly join another one or they will make a meal for hawks,” Watson observes. “It is from this understanding that their mimetic skill derives.”

So we don’t actually need some genetic basis for the sudden popularity of “death tax” or “re-framing” (as in meme theory), although this is kind of a sad biological explanation.  In the meantime, in this era of full-time communication, our vocabularies are actually shrinking.  
This bodes not well.

A small stroke of genius here is the glossary, which is devilishly revealing.  It is largely made up of single, endlessly repeated words like “event,” “product,” “issue”) that are so broadly used that they are just about meaningless, except as they describe what marketing attitude you take towards them.  Watson helpfully uses them in a sentence, emphasizing the classic and familiar:  “To be or not to be—they are the scenarios,” “I workshop, therefore I am,” and my favorite, “There is more product in heaven and earth, Horatio/Than is dreamed of in your philosophy.”

I would now like to initiate fundraising to coalesce a committee to implement a quality thank you to Gotham Books for bringing this book to America, despite the potential flexible outcomes, and to Don Watson who, at the end of the day, made lemons out of lemonade, for which we’d like to hire someone to express our bottom line, which is gratitude.  

Other reviews and book commentary at http://booksinheat.blogspot.com.      

U.S. Threatens Earth! The Real Star Wars

“Space superiority is not our birthright, but it is our destiny,” proclaimed General Lord. “Space superiority is our day-to-day mission. Space supremacy is our vision for the future.”

No, it’s not more stilted dialogue delivered by a dark figure with an unbelievable name in the new Star Wars movie.  It’s a straight-faced statement of purpose by the leader of the U.S. Air Force Space Command.

“We must establish and maintain space superiority,” General Lance Lord told the U.S. Congress. “Simply put, it’s the American way of fighting.”

Moreover, as the New York Times reported, billions of dollars has already been spent on space warfare, with little public knowledge or debate.  And without public outcry, it will soon become official U.S. policy.

http://www.nytimes.com/2005/05/18/business/18space.html?

According to the New York Times story and other sources, Air Force doctrine defines space superiority as “freedom to attack as well as freedom from attack” in space.  Currently there are weapons planned for attacking earth targets from space (including the so-called Rods from Gods, which would hurl cylinders of metal, including uranium, from space to targets on the ground, with the force of nuclear weapons) and space planes which could strike ground targets from the other side of the planet.

 “This is the type of prompt Global Strike I have identified as a top priority for our space and missile force,” General Lord said.

General Cartwright of the Space Command told a Senate Arms Services subcommittee that the goal is to provide the U.S. with the capability of attacking “very quickly, with very short time lines on the planning and delivery, any place on the face of the earth.”

U.S. planners are also looking at destroying other space targets, beginning with existing satellites of potential enemies but also commercial communications and weather satellites that could aid opponents.

All of this—plus the more publicized “star wars” missile defense— has been quietly accelerated during the Bush administration, and is one reason the U.S. withdrew from the Anti-Ballistic Missile Treaty.

The fact that no other nation is known to be designing space weapons is apparently no deterrent.  Virtually every technologically advanced nation on the planet has objected to the U.S. plans.  But if plans go forward, a new arms race may very well be the outcome, and it will costs horrendous amounts of money.

There are major concerns about the havoc that could be caused on earth’s surface even by testing such weapons, especially if nuclear weapons or nuclear powered space vehicles are included.

Groups that oppose this strategy point to the needs on the planet itself, and all the scientists and money tied up in this essentially insane project.

Even some advocates of space travel and exploration point out that warfare around the earth will result in so much debris that vehicles may never get off the planet to explore space.

There are more details on these plans and groups that oppose them here at http://www.armscontrol.org and this summary of the space command threat:

http://www.armscontrol.org/act/2004_11/Krepon.asp

The reason this is news now is that the White House is considering making this official U.S. policy by accepting an Air Force directive outlining all of this.  Bush is expected to approve it within weeks.

What if a really crazy group of people got control of these weapons—you know, religious zealots who want to hasten the Rapture, or political assassins who see the world in black and white, and who bare their teeth even at allies when they dare to differ?  Look out France!  In 45 seconds you could be French toast, because whoever isn’t with us is against us.  

Only a concerted public outcry can save the planet.

Sounds like science fiction, doesn’t it?

Playing Chicken with Nukes Again

[From the diaries by susanhbu] While the Bushies do nothing but bluster, Iran is calling their bluff, as did North Korea last week. It’s a dangerous game of nuclear chicken, set against the background of the anti-proliferation treaty conference currently bogged down in New York.

While Bush pranced around Europe celebrating the good old pre-nuclear war war days, with his rhetoric conveniently ignoring the reality of both actual and potential nuclear weapons and what they do to all the political equations, the Non-Proliferation Treaty conference in New York plodded on, still without even an agenda in its second week. More below:


But while the Bush celebrated the decisive U.S. efforts in securing victory in World War II by working with allies, the Bush administration was widely seen as the greatest barrier to solving problems that could lead to this generation’s experience of backyard devastation.

An Associated Press report, appearing in the Toronto Globe and Mail:

Washington isn’t taking “the common bargain” of the Nuclear Nonproliferation Treaty as seriously as it once did, hurting global support for the U.S. campaign to shut down the North Korean and Iranian nuclear programs, former chief UN weapons inspector Hans Blix says.

U.S. Undersecretary of State John Bolton, by questioning the value of treaties and international law, has also damaged the U.S. position, Mr. Blix said.

“There is a feeling the common edifice of the international community is being dismantled,” the Swedish arms expert said.

Mr. Blix, now chairman of the Swedish government-sponsored Weapons of Mass Destruction Commission, spoke with reporters Monday in the second week of a month-long conference to review the 1970 nonproliferation treaty.

www.theglobeandmail.com

Joseph Kahn reports in the New York Times that Yang Xiyu, the top China official involved in North Korean nuclear negotiations said in an interview, “It is true that we do not yet have tangible achievements” in ending North Korea’s nuclear weapons program. But a basic reason for the unsuccessful effort lies in the lack of cooperation from the U.S. side.”

The statement, Kahn writes, is noteworthy “because the Chinese authorities very rarely speak to journalists about the issue. The comments reflect growing frustration in Beijing with the Bush administration.” Similar sentiments were expressed by a leader in the Russian legislature.

www.nytimes.com

North Korea announced another step in extracting weapons grade plutonium from its main nuclear reactor, as a move “necessary to bolster its nuclear arsenal,” according to an unnamed North Korean official in a Los Angeles Times report.

But several overseas newspapers noted that the U.S. right-rigging media is concentrating on the “Iran nuclear crisis.” On 16 May Newsday reported that “Iranian lawmakers approved a measure yesterday instructing the government to resume uranium enrichment, a prospect that has drawn fire from the United States and Europe because it could be used in developing atomic weapons.”  The move may be a negotiating tactic, as Iran has been dissastified with what they’ve heard from European countries in their formal talks.  The Europeans threaten to take the matter to the Security Council, which is probably more sympathetic to Iran and the notion of peaceful nuclear power, while the current U.S. government may very well use it as another excuse to disdain international agreements.  Here’s the story: www.newsday.com    

The chickenhawks are likely concentrating on Iran because it’s not believed they as yet have nuclear weapons, so according to chickenhawk logic, because they aren’t a threat—whereas North Korea may be capable of launching an atomic attack on San Francisco–they are the chosen target of the only action the Bushheads are capable of: bullying.

Nuclear Madness Continued

While the U.S. media ignores the non-proliferation conference in New York, many outside the U.S. and some in are castigating the Bush administration for threatening world peace and stability with their intransigence and bungling.

On Tuesday, the second day of the four week nuclear non- proliferation treaty conference in New York, Iranian Foreign Minister Kamal Kharrazi spoke.  U.S. media uniformly headlined the speech as Iran announcing it would resume nuclear related activities it suspended while in talks with European nations, asserting it had an “inalienable right” to develop nuclear power for peaceful purposes.

Non-U.S. media, especially in the Third World, were more likely to report Kharrazi’s strong condemnation of Washington for maintaining a huge nuclear arsenal, and demanding that the U.S. assure Iran it would not launch a nuclear strike on that country.  
The New York Times did report this line from his speech, late in their story: “The continued existence of thousands of nuclear warheads in the nuclear weapon states’ stockpile, which can destroy the entire globe many times over, are the major sources of threat to peace and security.”

This is the stalemate that threatens to sink the conference before it starts.  On the first day it was North Korea asserting itself, on the second it was Iran.  Neither country was satisfied with what western countries offered in recent negotiations.

UN Secretary General Kofi Annan has pointedly criticized the U.S. and Russian nuclear arsenals, while calling for a stronger non-proliferation treaty, that recognizes the rights of nations to pursue peaceful nuclear energy.   The U.S. demands concessions—in fact, total abstinence-from non-nuclear countries, but is offering and giving up nothing.

What’s behind the U.S. intransigence?  In the Los Angeles Times in April, Robert Scheer suggested the relationship to America’s ugly dependence on arms sales:

“Trying to follow the U.S. policy on the proliferation of nuclear weapons is like watching a three-card monte game on a city streetcorner. Except the stakes are higher.
The announcement last week that the United States is authorizing the sale to Pakistan of F-16 fighter jets capable of delivering nuclear warheads – and thereby escalating the region’s nuclear arms race – is the latest example of how the most important issue on the planet is being bungled by the Bush administration.”

Speaking of bungling, columnist Simon Tisdall went after none other than Dueling John Bolton, head of the rapidly dwindling Bolton gang, for his contribution to screwing things up with North Korea, and making the world a much less safer place.

“Many damaging accusations have been levelled at John Bolton, President George Bush’s controversial nominee as US ambassador to the UN.

But perhaps the most serious is that Mr Bolton, as undersecretary of state for arms control and international security since 200, bungled efforts to dissuade North Korea from developing nuclear weapons.

Mr Bolton helped to scrap the Clinton administration’s 1994 “agreed framework” that froze North Korea’s weapons-related plutonium reprocessing programme. The framework was imperfect – but nothing remotely adequate replaced it.

In 2002, President Bush denounced North Korea as part of the “axis of evil”. In 2003, Pyongyang withdrew from the nuclear non-proliferation treaty and traded insults with Mr Bolton. In February, it declared itself a nuclear weapons state.

And at the weekend, on the eve of the treaty review conference in New York, North Korea said stalled regional talks were effectively dead.

The Pentagon’s Defence Intelligence Agency conceded last week that North Korea probably now has nuclear-armed missiles capable of hitting US soil. “

http://www.guardian.co.uk/Columnists/Column/0,5673,1475982,00.html

As awful as all that is, it is the actual work of the conference that is most endangered right now.  This dispatch courtesy of the Institute for Public Accuracy:

JOHN BURROUGHS, johnburroughs@lcnp.org, http://www.lcnp.org Burroughs, executive director of the New York-based Lawyers’ Committee on Nuclear Policy, is monitoring the Non-Proliferation Treaty conference in New York. Burroughs presented the paper “Building a Nuclear Weapons-Free Future” at the January meeting on the NPT at the Carter Center. He said today: “As the four-week NPT Review Conference opened this week, the U.S. is showing no flexibility about arms control steps like negotiation of a verifiable treaty banning production of fissile materials (plutonium and highly enriched uranium) for nuclear weapons. That is a treaty under which international inspectors would monitor U.S. facilities, a prospect not attractive to the Bush administration. In turn, non-nuclear countries are resisting non-proliferation measures like IAEA director Mohamed ElBaradei’s proposal for multilateral controls on the spread of technology to produce fissile materials for use in nuclear reactors but also potentially in nuclear weapons.”

Translated, nobody is actually negotiating.  

And of course, no one is paying attention. The ultimate weapon has slipped from consciousness.  Its immense and long-lasting destructiveness, killing and maiming for generations, doesn’t seem to scare us anymore.  

Instead we are obsessed with whatever smaller matters of momentary attention get the adrenalin going.  Politics as usual is becoming the meth of public consciousness.