The Washington Post points out that the pretenders to DeLay’s throne have a perception problem:
Over the summer, they discussed a trip for this year as well, Boehner said yesterday, but last week the lobbyists weighed anchor without him, content to communicate by telephone while the chairman of the House Education and the Workforce Committee rushed to Washington for a high-stakes run to succeed Rep. Tom DeLay (R-Tex.) as House majority leader.
I certainly hope Boehner didn’t miss his Caribbean sailing trip for nothing. That would be a major blow. However, his main opponent, Rep. Roy Blount of Missouri, is being questioned about his attempt to slip legislation favorable to Phillip Morris into the bill that created the Homeland Security Department. Neither candidate is likely to defuse the controversy over Abramoff and many members are nervous.
“It’s a concern to both me personally and the [Republican] conference,” said Rep. Thaddeus McCotter (R-Mich.), who is supporting Boehner. “Ties to lobbyists have been around since Teapot Dome and the Gilded Age. The question is, the Abramoff stuff specifically were never considerations when we voted on the current leadership team. We have to have a broad reassessment now.”…
“We will want people who are clean running the House,” said Rep. Melissa Hart (R-Pa.), a Boehner supporter.
The Post lists some of Boehner and Blunt’s more unsavory actions and affilations:
Boehner’s most famous act of the sort also involved the tobacco industry: In 1995, he distributed checks from tobacco political action committees to members on the House floor.
And both men have established a web of lobbying connections that touch Abramoff’s fundraising and lobbying machine. Blunt, who modeled his political career on DeLay’s, has extensive ties to the Washington lobbying firm Alexander Strategy Group, which announced this week that it has been so hobbled by its association with Abramoff that it is closing. Blunt, whose name appears as a “Friend of Owner” on a list Abramoff maintained of lawmakers who could dine at his restaurant for free, announced this month that he would donate to charity $8,500 that Abramoff and his wife had donated to his political action committee.
The problem the Republicans have is that all their heavy hitters, the kind of people that have enough clout to be majority leader, are already deeply compromised by the ‘culture of corruption’. To find someone remotely clean, they need to dig too far down the bench.
Therefore, their strategy will be to elect someone who is not too badly implicated and make up for their tarnished image by championing some kind of lobbying reform legislation.
They don’t really have any choice. However, it may not work. The Hill reports:
Perhaps it is that uneasiness that is driving many members to question whether Dennis Hastert should remain as Speaker. Dennis seems to have noticed the anxiety of his caucus and he is now looking to cast himself as a reformer.
Some Republicans are privately criticizing Hastert for not calling for lobbying reform last year, saying that waiting until the Abramoff case exploded may have long-lasting political ramifications.
Before Hastert recently spoke out on the need for lobbying reform, his predecessor Newt Gingrich (R-Ga.) attracted headlines on his political reform plan.
Rep. John Sweeney (R-N.Y.) this week suggested to The Washington Post that GOP lawmakers should consider whether a new Speaker is needed.
Hastert is now shifting into high gear. He will meet with reporters today to discuss legislation to change the ethics and lobbying rules, and he met yesterday with President Bush to discuss the congressional agenda and with Rules Committee Chairman David Dreier (R-Calif.) to talk about lobbying reform.
On Monday night, he participated in a conference call with 160 GOP lawmakers. Fearing more lawmakers would call for across-the-board leadership elections, several lawmakers rallied to Hastert’s side, according to GOP sources on the call. Rep. Doc Hastings (R-Wash.) told his colleagues in the phone call that holding an election for Speaker in the middle of the Congress would set a bad precedent.
It might set a bad precedent, but it would probably be a good idea. I feel good about our chances for retaking the house. And the inadequate response of the GOP to the Abramoff scandal is the major reason why I feel confident.